Commentaries
The Case Against Prabgaran’s Execution; Are we 100% sure that this man is guilty?
Prabagaran, a 29 year-old Malaysian, is set to be hung at dawn in less than 48 hours. With the exception of Kho Jabing, all executions in Singapore have always been carried out on Friday at dawn, and barring a miracle, Praba will suffer the same fate soon.
At 5.15am on 12 April 2012, Praba was arrested at Woodlands Checkpoint for being in possession of 22.24 grams of diamorphine – a substance more commonly known as heroin. He was 23 at the time of his arrest. The circumstances of his arrest in itself would raise some eyebrows. Praba testified that his vehicle was not stopped by Officers from the Immigrations and Checkpoints Authority (‘ICA’).
In fact, he had already cleared Customs when he voluntarily stopped his car further up beside an inspection pit. He said that he got out of the car to check on a faulty window that he was not able to wind up after opening it when clearing Customs. It was only then that a ICA Officer SSGT Chan Tim Fatt (‘PW4’) approached him to drive the car into the Inspection Pit for a 100% Inspection.
During the inspection, he was engaged in a conversation with ICA Officer SGT Chen Zhongfu Roger (‘PW3’), who also patted him down. During the conversation, SGT Aidil Rafael (‘PW26’) found two black bundles inside the arm-rest compartment of Praba’s car. Praba was then arrested. At the time of his arrest, none of the ICA Officers opened up the bundles to ascertain its content. In the High Court, it was revealed that PW3, PW4 and PW26 did not produce any evidence in their notes that Praba exhibited any signs of panic or nervousness when presented with the two black bundles.
PW3 confirmed that during the arrest, Praba asked, “Why are you arresting me? I came here to work. I don’t know anything.”
That was the first time that Praba had declared his innocence. More than 5 years has passed since his arrest but he has always been consistent in maintaining his innocence. Chances are that when the Court of Appeal hears the case to stay his execution later this afternoon, he will as steadfast as ever in maintaining his innocence.
Prabagaran’s Background
Having followed the case closely, I humbly submit that even the most ardent supporters of the Death Penalty would find it difficult to justify hanging Praba. Before I expound on the sheer ridiculousness of the case to hang him, I wish to shed a little light into Praba’s background, which may help provide some context to the case.
Praba was born on 16 November 1987 in Johor Bahru. From a young age, he has been very attached to his mother, Mdm Eswari, as his father was often absent from the family and passed away when he was 17.
Praba left school after obtaining his Sijil Pelajaran Malaysia (‘SPM’) – the Malaysian equivalent of ‘O’ levels and begin working as a lowly paid employee at a Caltex Petrol Station in Singapore. His only surviving kin, his mother, was forced to stop work due to multiple injuries. Nevertheless, Praba took it upon himself to provide for the family by paying all the bills and his mother’s medical expenses. He also found time to volunteer with the Malaysian Indian Congress and the Social Services Center. Mdm Eswari always describes Praba as a filial boy who ‘never once asked me for money.’
Since his incarceration, Mdm Eswari has been forced to work odd jobs again to make ends meet. In addition to continuing treatment for her injuries, she has also developed high blood pressure and heart problems. Despite the odds, Mdm Eswari has been relentless in her support for her son. She often makes trips across the Causeway to visit her soon and she also has been willing to support the activists and the lawyers in their campaign to save Praba.
She is featured in this video on the campaign to save Prabagaran’s life.
Praba had a few friends. Balu was among one of them. Like Praba, he too was a Malaysian who plied his trade across the border. The duo met when they were working as ship lashers in 2008. His trust in Balu played a pivotal role in his arrest.
Balu and Nathan
When Praba drove into Singapore that fateful morning, he was not driving his car. It was only the second time that he had driven into Singapore in a car. His usual mode of transport would have been his Yamaha motorcycle. However, a day before the arrest, he was contacted by the shop that he had purchased the motorcycle from. He was told that he owed them three months of installment payments that amounted to RM750. Praba replied that he would pay up once he receives his salary from Caltex on 29th April. His manager later testified in Court to corroborate Praba by confirming that his pay day was to be on the 29th.
Prabagaran was afraid to drive his motorcycle into Singapore. He was afraid that the Customs Officers would seize his motorcycle for as his installment payments were overdue and his road tax had expired. The idea that Customs Officers would be acting on the behalf of motorcycle shops and/or Malaysia’s equivalent of the Land Transport Authority would seem illogical to most of us but we must bear in mind that these were the thought processes of a young and lowly educated man.
Praba then asked Balu if he could use the latter’s motorcycle. Balu declined but instead suggested that he use Nathan’s car. Praba had only known Nathan for 2 months. He was introduced to Nathan by Balu and he had used Nathan’s car once before to send Mdm Eswari to the temple. Praba thought that he had no reason to distrust Nathan as Balu seemed to trust him and therefore it did not occur to him to exercise any due diligence by checking the car for narcotics before driving it across the border.
Explaining why he drove across the border in the wee hours of the morning, he argued that it was to avoid the ERP charges which he also did on the previous occasion he drove into Singapore.
As far as Praba was concerned, Nathan was the owner of the car. When he was arrested, the Malaysian Authorities revealed that the car did not actually belong to Nathan. However, no information was produced at trail as to whether the car was stolen by Nathan.
During the course of investigations, Prabagaran told the Investigating Officers that he was prepared to lead them to the houses of Balu and Nathan but they never took up his offer. The 2nd Investigating Officer, Mr Nicholas Quek (‘PW24’) recorded a statement where Praba said:
“… CNB Intelligence came and showed me photos and I was able to point out Balu in one photo and Nathan in one photo.”
However, despite the leads to Balu and Nathan and the fact that Nathan did not own the car, both of them were not present at any of Praba’s trials. Even with Praba’s willingness to help lead the authorities to the duo, it is not known whether the authorities made any effort to secure their attendance at trial. Prabagaran contends that either Balu or Nathan may have planted the drugs in the car in the hopes of retrieving it later at Praba’s workplace with a spare key. Such a scenario is most definitely possible but we will never get to the bottom of it as Balu and Nathan were never called to the docks.
When the case went on Appeal, the failure of the Prosecution to secure the attendance of material witnesses was raised by Praba’s counsel Mr Eugene Thuraisingam.
In the Court of Appeal’s Judgement at [59] Tay Yong Kwang J ruled that the decision not to investigate properly was a operational one.
The more important question is the extent of the CNB’s duty to investigate. This clearly involves operational matters. The CNB has to assess the value and the viability of making any particular investigation in each case. It has to make judgment calls on the usefulness of any information given to it. It has to consider its resources and its statutory powers of investigation. For instance, it cannot be expected to traverse the globe to investigate merely because an accused person mentions the names of ten persons in ten different countries together with their contact numbers. Further, it must not be forgotten that Parliament has set out statutory presumptions in the MDA to assist the CNB and the Prosecution in their work and it is therefore incumbent on accused persons to produce the necessary evidence to rebut the presumptions. Such evidence, as the two cases discussed above have shown, could possibly be the oral testimony of the accused persons if it is considered to be credible on a balance of probabilities.
With all due respect, I think it is easy to appreciate the difference between a situation where an accused drops 10 names of 10 people from different countries and a situation where an accused not only name-drops but even readily identifies them in photos (Which may be prove that they were investigating the lead. If so, it only arouses more suspicion as to why they were not present at trial) and offers to personally lead the authorities to them. The straw-man argument of having to traverse the globe has to be called out in this instance when all it would take was a simple trip across the border. Perhaps even that would not have been necessary as, after all, both Balu and Nathan were working in Singapore.
DNA
In the High Court, Dr Chuah Siew Yeam (‘PW22’) testified that,
the Accused “is excluded as being a contributor of the DNA profile obtained in this report.”
If were were to believe, as the Prosecution does, that Balu and Nathan indeed played no role in this case, are we then to believe that someone who had been so meticulous so as to achieve a 100% success rate in not leaving any DNA on the controlled substances would then go on to facilitate his own arrest by driving without a driver’s license in the wee hours of the morning and then voluntarily stopping his car despite clearing customs? That would surely take a whole lot of mental gymnastics.
Rebuttable Presumptions
For Prabagaran to successfully plead his case, he had to rebut the two presumptions under the Misuse of Drugs Act (‘MDA’) found in s. 18(2) and 21.
- Presumption of possession and knowledge of controlled drugs
18(2) Any person who is proved or presumed to have had a controlled drug in his possession shall, until the contrary is proved, be presumed to have known the nature of that drug. - Presumption relating to vehicle
21. If any controlled drug is found in any vehicle, it shall be presumed, until the contrary is proved, to be in the possession of the owner of the vehicle and of the person in charge of the vehicle for the time being.
“His account of absence of knowledge about the drugs in the car was highly improbable and, as indicated above, absurd in some aspects.”
I, for one, believe that something as irreversible as the death penalty should not be meted out on the basis of mere circumstantial evidence. Praba was indeed, in my eyes and the eyes of many, foolish to do what he had done but is it a crime to be naive? Is naivety worthy of the barbaric death penalty?
To be fair, it was not the prosecution or the judges that should be blamed for this. The blame should fall squarely on our lawmakers who have designed laws, like the two above-mentioned rebuttable presumptions, to be unfavorable towards the accused. In Praba’s case, the authorities did not even need to produce material witnesses. All that warranted the death penalty were the alleged inconsistencies and absurdities found in Praba’s thought processes. Whatever happened to the presumption of innocence?
Certificate of Substantive Assistance
33B(4) The determination of whether or not any person has substantively assisted the Central Narcotics Bureau in disrupting drug trafficking activities shall be at the sole discretion of the PP and no action or proceeding shall lie against the PP in relation to any such determination unless it is proved to the court that the determination was done in bad faith or with malice.
In other words, the PP, who first charges the accused, later has arguably unfettered control over whether he lives or he dies. Prima facie, this seems to trample on the rule of law, rules of logic and the principal of the separation of powers.
In Prabagaran (and 3 others) these issues were raised in the Supreme Court. One of the co-applicants alongside Praba was the late Ridzuan, whose case garnered widespread attention as while he was not granted a certificate of substantive assistance, his co-accused was. All 4 applicants were denied a certificate of substantive assistance by the PPr.
In Tan Seet Eng, Sundaresh Menon CJ stated at [1] that the constitutional principle of the separation of powers is the “bedrock on which our society is founded on and on which it has thrived. At [106] he added that if a legislation trespasses judicial function, it will be declared unconstitutional even if it concerned matters of high policy.
[106] In keeping with this, even for matters falling within the category of “high policy”, the courts can inquire into whether decisions are made within the scope of the relevant legal power or duty and arrived at in a legal manner (De Smith’s Judicial Review at para 1-035). Indeed, this is apparent in Yong Vui Kong at [63] where Chong J commented that there would be a judicial remedy available if the procedures under the clemency process had not been abided by. In such circumstances, the question of deference to the Executive’s discretion simply does not arise
The Applicants submitted, citing Tan Seet Eng, Faizal Bin Sabtu at [17] and [19] and other authorities that bestowing upon the PP, a member of the Executive Branch of the Government, the powers to decide whether an accused lives or dies, is unconstitutional as it vests judicial powers in an entity that is not a court.
They argued that the (‘PP’), a public servant, is exercising judicial power by deciding if the offender has assisted substantively and consequently deciding his faith. Such a matter should be one that lies with the judiciary. This is also in breach of a core tenant of natural justice: Nemo judex in causa sua (No man should be a judge in his own cause)
The PP’s decision is also not open to review. Although the clause does state that the judicial review is available on the grounds of bad faith, malice and unconstitutionality (the basis upon which Praba and 3 Others was raised), Ridzuan (Judicial Review) at [70] made clear that proving that the PP took irrelevant considerations into account and/or failed to take into account relevant considerations would not suffice. This illustrates how high the bar has been set in order for a judicial review into the PP’s decision to arise.
As the PP does not need to justify his decision of why he certifies or refused to certifies an accused, the accused is also denied an opportunity to make a case before and independent and impartial tribunal. The accused would not know the grounds on which the decision was made and his avenues for contesting the PP’s decisions would be extremely limited.
The phrase ‘substantive assistance’ is also undefined, therefore making such a detemination very arbitrary. Would Praba have substantively assisted the CNB if their, as Tay Yong Kwang J put it, “operational capabilities” had been better? Also, assistance rendered by an accused may also take some time to become “substantive.” What if a tip-off or lead only materializes into an arrest in a few year’s time? Or perhaps after the accused has been hung?
This also defies the very principle of fighting the war on drugs and recognizing that ‘drug mules are victims too’ as per Choo Han Teck J. Simply put, couriers are usually at the bottom rung of a syndicate and therefore would be unlikely to provide substantive assistance. However, an offender who is higher up the hierarchy who has more information on the syndicate would be more likely to provide substantive assistance.
This places mules in a position where they have to choose between waiving potentially inconsistent attempting to provide substantive assistance they may not be acted upon or may prove to be unworthy of disrupting drug trafficking activities and raising those defenses and possibly face the death penalty. I am sure that Parliament’s intended purpose would not be to execute the innocent while protecting the guilty.
Clemency Petition
On December 2 2016, the Court of Appeal dismissed Prabagaran and 3 others. Left with no other option, Praba filed a Clemency Petition to ask President Tony Tan for a Presidential Pardon. Barring extraordinary circumstances, it was the last legal avenue to exhaust. On 7 July, Praba received his response. Like all other Presidential Pardons since Mathavakannan’s in 1998 (he was pardoned by President Ong), it was rejected. Following the rejection, Prabagaran’s execution date was set for dawn on 14 July.
The Fight in Malaysia
The filing of the Clemency Petition also meant that all domestic legal avenues were exhausted. However, across the border, the fight had just begun. Two leading Malaysian Human Rights Lawyers, Mdm Latheefa and Mr N Surendran, submitted a memorandum to the International Court of Justice (‘ICJ’) – where one of the pre-requisites is that all domestic legal remedies must have been exhausted – to compel the Malaysian Government to fight for it’s citizen who was denied access to a fair trial across the border.
Soon after, many Malaysian MPs including the leader of the Opposition, Anwar Ibrahim, also urged the Malaysian Government to look into bringing the case of Prabagaran up to the ICJ. In April this year, there was more controversy as Mr Surendran and Mdm Latheefa were denied access to their clients in Singapore. The case is now pending an appeal in the Malaysian Court of Appeal where the issue over access to lawyers is also likely to be aired.
“I refer to the scheduled execution of Malaysian citizen Prabagaran Srivijayan on the 14th July 2017 at Changi Prison for an alleged drug offence.
Singapore is set to carry on the execution despite concerns over an unfair trial and a pending appeal in the Malaysian Court of Appeal to refer Singapore to the ICJ for breaching Prabagaran’s rights.
I am appalled that the Prime Minister, the Cabinet and Malaysian government have maintained absolute silence over Prabagaran’s critical situation.
The government has a duty and obligation to protest the denial of Prabagaran’s basic rights and to make every effort to save his life.” – N Surendran
With the Malaysian Government’s silence, it seems that all hope for Prabagaran now rests with the Court of Appeal when they hear Mr Choo Zhengxi, Praba’s lawyer, make the case for a stay of execution tomorrow at 2.30pm. I understand that both Mr Surendran and Mdm Latheefa will also be present to assist Messrs Peter Low & Choo LLC.
Many international organizations, including the United Nations Human Rights Office, Amnesty International, and the International Federations of Human Rights, have released statements calling upon the Singapore Government to save Prabagaran.
If precedents are anything to go by, the outcome looks bleak. But nevertheless the fight must and will go on. For if there is even a glimmer of hope, if there is even one needle in a bloody haystack, we need to do everything within our means to grab it, as even one innocent life taken by the state is one too many.
Screengrab taken from a video by CADPA featuring the campaign to Save Prabagaran
One may argue that I do not know for sure if Prabagaran is innocent. The same can be said of the opposite – we do not know for sure if he is guilty too. All humans are fallible and in turn, all judicial systems run by humans are too.
If precedents are anything to go by, the outcome looks bleak. But nevertheless the fight must and will go on. For if there is even a glimmer of hope, if there is even one needle in a bloody haystack, we need to do everything within our means to grasp it as even one innocent life taken by the state is one too many.
I have no doubt that, as other countries have experienced, there will come a time in Singapore’s history when executions will not be viewed, as some put it, ‘trade-offs’ for our ‘hard stance on drugs’ and ‘drug free society’ but will be seen for what they truly are – an illogical, barbaric and ultimately ineffective form of punishment. And when that day comes, which side of history would you be on?
Commentaries
Lim Tean criticizes Govt’s rejection of basic income report, urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices
Lim Tean, leader of Peoples Voice (PV), criticizes the government’s defensive response to the basic living income report, accusing it of avoiding reality.
He calls on citizens to assess affordability and choose MPs who can truly enhance their lives in the upcoming election.
SINGAPORE: A recently published report, “Minimum Income Standard 2023: Household Budgets in a Time of Rising Costs,” unveils figures detailing the necessary income households require to maintain a basic standard of living, using the Minimum Income Standard (MIS) method.
The newly released study, spearheaded by Dr Ng Kok Hoe of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy (LKYSPP) specifically focuses on working-age households in 2021 and presents the latest MIS budgets, adjusted for inflation from 2020 to 2022.
The report detailed that:
- The “reasonable starting point” for a living wage in Singapore was S$2,906 a month.
- A single parent with a child aged two to six required S$3,218 per month.
- Partnered parents with two children, one aged between seven and 12 and the other between 13 and 18, required S$6,426 a month.
- A single elderly individual required S$1,421 a month.
- Budgets for both single and partnered parent households averaged around S$1,600 per member. Given recent price inflation, these figures have risen by up to 5% in the current report.
Singapore Govt challenges MIS 2023 report’s representation of basic needs
Regrettably, on Thursday (14 Sept), the Finance Ministry (MOF), Manpower Ministry (MOM), and Ministry of Social and Family Development (MSF) jointly issued a statement dismissing the idea suggested by the report, claiming that minimum household income requirements amid inflation “might not accurately reflect basic needs”.
Instead, they claimed that findings should be seen as “what individuals would like to have.”, and further defended their stances for the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) and other measures to uplift lower-wage workers.
The government argued that “a universal wage floor is not necessarily the best way” to ensure decent wages for lower-wage workers.
The government’s statement also questions the methodology of the Minimum Income Standards (MIS) report, highlighting limitations such as its reliance on respondent profiles and group dynamics.
“The MIS approach used is highly dependent on respondent profiles and on group dynamics. As the focus groups included higher-income participants, the conclusions may not be an accurate reflection of basic needs.”
The joint statement claimed that the MIS approach included discretionary expenditure items such as jewellery, perfumes, and overseas holidays.
Lim Tean slams Government’s response to basic living income report
In response to the government’s defensive reaction to the recent basic living income report, Lim Tean, leader of the alternative party Peoples Voice (PV), strongly criticizes the government’s apparent reluctance to confront reality, stating, “It has its head buried in the sand”.
He strongly questioned the government’s endorsement of the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) as a means to uplift the living standards of the less fortunate in Singapore, describing it as a misguided approach.
In a Facebook video on Friday (15 Sept), Lim Tean highlighted that it has become a global norm, especially in advanced and first-world countries, to establish a minimum wage, commonly referred to as a living wage.
“Everyone is entitled to a living wage, to have a decent life, It is no use boasting that you are one of the richest countries in the world that you have massive reserves, if your citizens cannot have a decent life with a decent living wage.”
Lim Tean cited his colleague, Leong Sze Hian’s calculations, which revealed a staggering 765,800 individuals in Singapore, including Permanent Residents and citizens, may not earn the recommended living wage of $2,906, as advised by the MIS report.
“If you take away the migrant workers or the foreign workers, and take away those who do not work, underage, are children you know are unemployed, and the figure is staggering, isn’t it?”
“You know you are looking at a very substantial percentage of the workforce that do not have sufficient income to meet basic needs, according to this report.”
He reiterated that the opposition parties, including the People’s Voice and the People’s Alliance, have always called for a minimum wage, a living wage which the government refuses to countenance.
Scepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs
In a time of persistently high inflation, Lim Tean expressed skepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs.
He cautioned against believing in predictions of imminent inflation reduction and lower interest rates below 2%, labeling them as unrealistic.
Lim Tean urged Singaporeans to assess their own affordability in these challenging times, especially with the impending GST increase.
He warned that a 1% rise in GST could lead to substantial hikes in everyday expenses, particularly food prices.
Lim Tean expressed concern that the PAP had become detached from the financial struggles of everyday Singaporeans, citing their high salaries and perceived insensitivity to the common citizen’s plight.
Lim Tean urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices
Highlighting the importance of the upcoming election, Lim Tean recommended that citizens seriously evaluate the affordability of their lives.
“If you ask yourself about affordability, you will realise that you have no choice, In the coming election, but to vote in a massive number of opposition Members of Parliament, So that they can make a difference.”
Lim Tean emphasized the need to move beyond the traditional notion of providing checks and balances and encouraged voters to consider who could genuinely improve their lives.
“To me, the choice is very simple. It is whether you decide to continue with a life, that is going to become more and more expensive: More expensive housing, higher cost of living, jobs not secure because of the massive influx of foreign workers,” he declared.
“Or you choose members of Parliament who have your interests at heart and who want to make your lives better.”
Commentaries
Political observers call for review of Singapore’s criteria of Presidential candidates and propose 5 year waiting period for political leaders
Singaporean political observers express concern over the significantly higher eligibility criteria for private-sector presidential candidates compared to public-sector candidates, calling for adjustments.
Some also suggest a five year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before allowed to partake in the presidential election.
Notably, The Workers’ Party has earlier reiterated its position that the current qualification criteria favor PAP candidates and has called for a return to a ceremonial presidency instead of an elected one.
While the 2023 Presidential Election in Singapore concluded on Friday (1 September), discussions concerning the fairness and equity of the electoral system persist.
Several political observers contend that the eligibility criteria for private-sector individuals running for president are disproportionately high compared to those from the public sector, and they propose that adjustments be made.
They also recommend a five-year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before being allowed to participate in the presidential election.
Aspiring entrepreneur George Goh Ching Wah, announced his intention to in PE 2023 in June. However, His application as a candidate was unsuccessful, he failed to receive the Certificate of Eligibility (COE) on 18 August.
Mr Goh had expressed his disappointment in a statement after the ELD’s announcement, he said, the Presidential Elections Committee (PEC) took a very narrow interpretation of the requirements without explaining the rationale behind its decision.
As per Singapore’s Constitution, individuals running for the presidency from the private sector must have a minimum of three years’ experience as a CEO in a company.
This company should have consistently maintained an average shareholders’ equity of at least S$500 million and sustained profitability.
Mr Goh had pursued eligibility through the private sector’s “deliberative track,” specifically referring to section 19(4)(b)(2) of the Singapore Constitution.
He pointed out five companies he had led for over three years, collectively claiming a shareholders’ equity of S$1.521 billion.
Notably, prior to the 2016 revisions, the PEC might have had the authority to assess Mr Goh’s application similarly to how it did for Mr Tan Jee Say in the 2011 Presidential Election.
Yet, in its current formulation, the PEC is bound by the definitions laid out in the constitution.
Calls for equitable standards across public and private sectors
According to Singapore’s Chinese media outlet, Shin Min Daily News, Dr Felix Tan Thiam Kim, a political analyst at Nanyang Technological University (NTU) Singapore, noted that in 2016, the eligibility criteria for private sector candidates were raised from requiring them to be executives of companies with a minimum capital of S$100 million to CEOs of companies with at least S$500 million in shareholder equity.
However, the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates remained unchanged. He suggests that there is room for adjusting the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates.
Associate Professor Bilver Singh, Deputy Head of the Department of Political Science at the National University of Singapore, believes that the constitutional requirements for private-sector individuals interested in running are excessively stringent.
He remarked, “I believe it is necessary to reassess the relevant regulations.”
He points out that the current regulations are more favourable for former public officials seeking office and that the private sector faces notably greater challenges.
“While it may be legally sound, it may not necessarily be equitable,” he added.
Proposed five-year waiting period for political leaders eyeing presidential race
Moreover, despite candidates severing ties with their political parties in pursuit of office, shedding their political affiliations within a short timeframe remains a challenging endeavour.
A notable instance is Mr Tharman Shanmugaratnam, who resigned from the People’s Action Party (PAP) just slightly over a month before announcing his presidential candidacy, sparking considerable debate.
During a live broadcast, his fellow contender, Ng Kok Song, who formerly served as the Chief Investment Officer of GIC, openly questioned Mr Tharman’s rapid transition to a presidential bid shortly after leaving his party and government.
Dr Felix Tan suggests that in the future, political leaders aspiring to run for the presidency should not only resign from their parties but also adhere to a mandatory waiting period of at least five years before entering the race.
Cherian George and Kevin Y.L. Tan: “illogical ” to raise the corporate threshold in 2016
Indeed, the apprehension regarding the stringent eligibility criteria and concerns about fairness in presidential candidacy requirements are not limited to political analysts interviewed by Singapore’s mainstream media.
Prior to PE2023, CCherian George, a Professor of media studies at Hong Kong Baptist University, and Kevin Y.L. Tan, an Adjunct Professor at both the Faculty of Law of the National University of Singapore and the NTU’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), brought attention to the challenges posed by the qualification criteria for candidates vying for the Singaporean Presidency.
In their article titled “Why Singapore’s Next Elected President Should be One of its Last,” the scholars discussed the relevance of the current presidential election system in Singapore and floated the idea of returning to an appointed President, emphasizing the symbolic and unifying role of the office.
They highlighted that businessman George Goh appeared to be pursuing the “deliberative track” for qualification, which requires candidates to satisfy the PEC that their experience and abilities are comparable to those of a typical company’s chief executive with shareholder equity of at least S$500 million.
Mr Goh cobbles together a suite of companies under his management to meet the S$500m threshold.
The article also underscored the disparities between the eligibility criteria for candidates from the public and private sectors, serving as proxies for evaluating a candidate’s experience in handling complex financial matters.
“It is hard to see what financial experience the Chairman of the Public Service Commission or for that matter, the Chief Justice has, when compared to a Minister or a corporate chief.”
“The raising of the corporate threshold in 2016 is thus illogical and serves little purpose other than to simply reduce the number of potentially eligible candidates.”
The article also touches upon the issue of candidates’ independence from political parties, particularly the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP).
It mentions that candidates are expected to be non-partisan and independent, and it questions how government-backed candidates can demonstrate their independence given their previous affiliations.
The Workers’ Party advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency
It comes as no surprise that Singapore’s alternative party, the Workers’ Party, reaffirmed its stance on 30 August, asserting that they believe the existing qualifying criteria for presidential candidates are skewed in favour of those approved by the People’s Action Party (PAP).
They argue that the current format of the elected presidency (EP) undermines the principles of parliamentary democracy.
“It also serves as an unnecessary source of gridlock – one that could potentially cripple a non-PAP government within its first term – and is an alternative power centre that could lead to political impasses.”
Consistently, the Workers’ Party has been vocal about its objection to the elected presidency and has consistently called for its abolition.
Instead, they advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency, a position they have maintained for over three decades.
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