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Singapore authorities clamp down on The Online Citizen Asia: Declares its online platforms as declared online locations under POFMA

Singapore’s Minister for Communications and Information declares The Online Citizen Asia’s (TOC) online platforms as Declared Online Locations under the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act, warning visitors about TOC’s history of propagating falsehoods.

This unprecedented declaration follows a series of POFMA correction directions issued by the Government amidst discussions surrounding scandals involving members of the People’s Action Party and the growing public distrust of the ruling party.

The declaration’s validity will last two years, continuing until 21 July 2025.

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SINGAPORE — The Minister for Communications and Information, Mrs Josephine Teo, has declared The Online Citizen Asia’s (TOC) website, along with their Facebook, Twitter, and LinkedIn pages, as Declared Online Locations (DOL) under the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act 2019 (POFMA).

The Declaration is set to come into effect on 22 July 2023.

TOC, a publication currently operating from Taiwan, was previously held by a Singapore entity. Its operation in Singapore ceased after its license was suspended by Singapore authorities for refusing to comply with the Infocomm Media Development Authority (IMDA)’s demand to provide the details of its subscribers.

The statement from the Minister states that the Declaration was made following multiple falsehoods communicated on the online locations. The latest being made on 2 May.

This unprecedented declaration follows a series of POFMA correction directions issued by the Government amidst discussions surrounding scandals involving a member of the People’s Action Party and the growing public distrust of the ruling party.

The declaration’s validity will last two years, continuing until 21 July 2025.

Throughout this duration, TOC’s online platforms are required to carry a notice confirming their status as a DOL. The POFMA office emphasized that these notices are intended to warn visitors about TOC’s history of propagating falsehoods.

However, the POFMA office clarified that the declaration does not necessitate the shutdown of TOC’s online operations. The website and social media accounts can remain operational, albeit under strict regulatory constraints, especially regarding monetization.

Under Part 5 of POFMA, it will be considered an offence for TOC to gain financial or other material benefits from operating these online locations. This measure is designed to prevent operators from profiting from the dissemination of falsehoods.

Individuals, whether within or outside Singapore, found guilty of receiving or soliciting financial or material benefits for operating a DOL, could face penalties. These include fines up to S$40,000, imprisonment for up to three years, or both. Other entities could face fines of up to S$500,000.

Service providers and digital advertising intermediaries are instructed to ensure that paid content is not communicated in Singapore via these declared platforms. Individuals and companies are also warned against providing financial support to these platforms if they suspect such support would aid the spread of falsehoods in Singapore.

Violations of these provisions could lead to a fine of up to S$20,000, imprisonment for up to 12 months, or both for individuals. Other entities could face a maximum fine of S$500,000.

Similarly, penalties for providing financial support with the knowledge that it could promote false statements of fact on a DOL could result in a fine of up to $40,000, imprisonment for up to three years, or both for individuals and fines up to $500,000 for other entities.

In all these cases, it is considered a valid defence for the accused to prove their unawareness of the declared status of the online location.

While TOC is not the first declared online location by the POFMA office, its platforms are the first to be listed on the DOL list on the POFMA office’s website.

View the POFMA directions issued since its introduction here

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Would DSP Jonathan Au Yong have filed a police report if he knew about Iswaran’s offences?

The recent conviction of former Transport Minister Iswaran for accepting more than S$400,000 in gifts raises questions about the criminal defamation case filed by DSP Jonathan Au Yong against The Online Citizen (TOC) in 2018. Would Au Yong have pursued the charges against Terry Xu and Daniel De Costa with the same intensity had he known about Iswaran’s unethical conduct during the same period?

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Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) Jonathan Au Yong and former Transport Minister Iswaran

The recent sentencing of former Transport Minister Iswaran to 12 months’ imprisonment for accepting gifts during his time in office raises serious questions about the 2018 criminal defamation case filed against me.

Iswaran’s unethical actions—including accepting more than S$400,000 in benefits from businessmen—stand in stark contrast to the image of an untouchable and clean Cabinet that Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) Jonathan Au Yong portrayed when he initiated the defamation case against The Online Citizen (TOC).

This defamation case arose from a letter published by TOC on 4 September 2018, which contained the phrase “corruption at the highest echelons.”

DSP Au Yong interpreted this as a direct attack on Cabinet members’ integrity, filed the police report on his own initiative and pursued the case based on the assumption that the Cabinet’s integrity was under attack, leading to criminal defamation charges against me, as TOC’s chief editor, and contributor Daniel De Costa.

However, Iswaran’s unethical behaviour during the same period raises the question: would Au Yong have pursued the case with such intensity had he known about the actions of this senior Cabinet member?

The Filing of the Police Report

Contrary to earlier claims by the Singapore government, it was not the Infocomm Media Development Authority (IMDA) that filed the police report in response to the allegedly defamatory letter.

During the trial in 2020, it was revealed that DSP Au Yong had filed the report on his own initiative on 8 October 2018 after receiving a letter from IMDA from then-Director of CID Deputy Commissioner Florence Chua.

This letter, dated 5 October 2018, was not a formal police complaint but a request for the police to follow up on a breach of the Internet Code of Conduct related to TOC’s publication.

DSP Au Yong admitted in court that he took it upon himself to file the police report, believing an offence had been committed.

The complaint he submitted on 8 October mentioned IMDA’s 5 October letter but contained no specific details of defamation or any particular offence.

This vague report and his initiative to file it set the entire criminal defamation investigation in motion.

During cross-examination, my lawyer, Remy Choo, clarified that IMDA had not pursued any further action regarding the letter.

When questioned if it was normal for a police officer to file a report based on limited information, Au Yong responded that it was not unusual for an officer to take such steps based on preliminary information about a potential crime.

Au Yong’s Role in the Investigation

After filing the open-ended police report himself, DSP Au Yong led the investigation.

This included searching my home, seizing my electronic devices and conducting several hours of interviews before ultimately having the case set as having committed criminal defamation against Cabinet members.

Au Yong, a Singapore Police Force scholarship holder and political science graduate, testified that he believed the phrase “corruption at the highest echelons” referred specifically to the Singapore Cabinet, rather than other high-level political bodies, such as the Central Executive Committee of the People’s Action Party (PAP).

I had argued that the phrase, in the context of the entire letter, was about the 38 Oxley Road dispute, a high-profile public issue at the time. I had no reason to believe that it referred specifically to Cabinet members, and thus lacked the intent, or mens rea, to commit defamation.

When Mr Choo suggested that the phrase “corruption at the highest echelons” could have referred to the PAP leadership rather than the Cabinet, DSP Au Yong dismissed this possibility, arguing that the letter’s references to governance and policy pointed directly to the Cabinet. Au Yong later conceded that the phrase should be understood in its full context.

However, the prosecution—Deputy Public Prosecutors Mohamed Faizal Mohamed Abdul Kadir, Senthilkumaran Sabapathy, and Sheryl Yeo—argued that a contextual interpretation of the article clearly imputed corruption to members of the Singapore Cabinet.

They stated that the article made a serious and baseless allegation against the Cabinet, and that both De Costa and I would have known that the imputation would harm the Cabinet’s reputation. The prosecution further contended that neither of us had any cogent basis for the allegation, and that it was evident we had not acted in good faith.

This interpretation set the stage for the criminal charges, portraying the Cabinet as victims of a baseless attack on their integrity.

Ultimately, District Judge Ng Peng Hong sentenced both Daniel De Costa and me to three weeks’ imprisonment. De Costa was also sentenced to three months’ jail for an offence under the Computer Misuse Act, after the judge found the criminal defamation charges to be proven and accordingly convicted us.

Yet, Iswaran’s recent conviction exposes significant flaws in this narrative by the prosecution.

Iswaran’s Conviction and Its Impact

The conviction of Iswaran for accepting gifts from businessmen Ong Beng Seng and David Lum during the period in question exposes a critical flaw in the narrative that the TOC letter unjustly attacked the Cabinet’s integrity.

Iswaran’s unethical conduct undermines the notion that the Cabinet was beyond reproach and raises serious doubts about the legitimacy of the defamation charges brought against me and Daniel De Costa.

Iswaran’s actions were far from minor. The court found that he had accepted more than S$400,000 worth of benefits, including private flights and premium event tickets, from businessmen with vested interests.

In particular, his dealings with Ong, which began as early as 2015, continued when TOC’s article was published in 2018 and carried on throughout the trial of the defamation charges against me.

The specific items Iswaran received from Ong during this period of time include:

  • Around November 2015
    • Two tickets to the show Thriller worth about £200 from Mr Ong through Como Holdings (UK)
    • Two tickets to the show The Curious Incident of the Dog in the Night-Time worth about £270 from Ong through Como Holdings (UK)
    • Two tickets to the football match for West Ham United FC v Everton FC (Boleyn Ground) worth about £468 from Mr Ong through Como Holdings UK
    • Two tickets to the football match for Arsenal FC v Tottenham Hotspur FC (Emirates) worth about £550 from Mr Ong through Como Holdings (UK)

    In September 2016

    • Ten Green Room tickets to the 2016 Singapore Formula 1 Grand Prix worth about S$42,265 from Mr Ong through Singapore GP

    In September 2017

    • Ten Green Room tickets to the 2017 Singapore Formula 1 Grand Prix worth about S$42,265 from Mr Ong through Singapore GP
    • Five Boardwalk tickets to the 2017 Singapore Formula 1 Grand Prix worth about S$40,000 from Mr Ong through Singapore GP

    Around December 2017

    • Four tickets to the show Book of Mormon worth about £540 from Mr Ong through Como Holdings (UK)
    • Four tickets to the football match of Chelsea FC v Southampton FC (Stamford Bridge) worth about £700 from Mr Ong through Como Holdings (UK)
    • Four tickets to the shows Harry Potter and the Cursed Child: Part 1 and Harry Potter and the Cursed Child: Part 2, worth about £1,000 from Mr Ong through Como Holdings (UK)
    • Four tickets to the football match for Arsenal FC v Liverpool FC (Emirates) worth about £1,100 from Mr Ong through Como Holdings (UK)
    • Four tickets to the show Kinky Boots worth about £300 from Mr Ong through Como Holdings (UK)

    In September 2018

    • Six Twenty3 tickets to the 2018 Singapore Formula Grand Prix worth about S$13,193.10 from Mr Ong through Singapore GP
    • Thirteen general admission tickets to the 2018 Singapore Formula 1 Grand Prix worth about S$16,744 from Mr Ong through Singapore GP

    Around December 2018

    • Four tickets to the show The Play That Goes Wrong worth about £380 from Mr Ong through Como Holdings (UK)
    • Four tickets to the show School of Rock worth about £560 from Mr Ong through Como Holdings (UK)
    • Four tickets to the football match for Chelsea FC v Manchester City FC worth at least £120 from Mr Ong

    Around June 2019

    • Four tickets to the show Hamilton worth about £400 from Mr Ong through Como Holdings (UK)
    • Four tickets to the show Waitress worth about £524 from Mr Ong through Como Holdings (UK)
    • Four tickets to the show Betrayal worth about £1,080 from Mr Ong through Como Holdings (UK)

    Around September 2019

    • Six Green Room tickets to the 2019 Singapore Formula 1 Grand Prix worth about S$26,643 from Mr Ong through Singapore GP
    • Sixteen general admission tickets to the 2019 Singapore Formula 1 Grand Prix worth about S$20,608 from Mr Ong through Singapore GP

    Around December 2021

    • Two tickets for the show Back to the Future worth about £449 from Mr Ong through Como Holdings (UK)
    • Two tickets to the show Romeo & Juliet worth about £250 from Mr Ong through Como Holdings (UK)

Therefore, while I was being prosecuted for allegedly defaming the Cabinet, one of its most senior members was engaging in unethical behaviour that severely damaged public trust.

The 2023 Appeal and Clarification

In 2023, the courts re-evaluated the defamation case and reduced the severity of the charges.

The court ruled that the phrase “corruption at the highest echelons” did not accuse individual Cabinet members of corruption but rather implied incompetence for allowing corruption to occur under their leadership.

This significantly lessened the gravity of the defamation charges, as the imputation was no longer a direct attack on personal integrity. Consequently, my original sentence of three weeks’ imprisonment was commuted to a fine of S$8,000.

The judgment acknowledged that while the imputation still carried reputational harm, it did not strike at the core of the Cabinet’s integrity as the prosecution had originally argued.

This reduction in the defamatory statement’s meaning is especially relevant now, given what we know about Iswaran’s misconduct. His unethical actions cast doubt on the assumption that the Cabinet was beyond reproach, especially considering their failure to prevent corruption under their leadership.

Even though Iswaran has been convicted of lesser offences under Section 165 of the Penal Code, the public prosecutors have argued that the corruption charges against him were not dropped but instead amended.

The Problem with Criminal Defamation

Moreover, the use of criminal defamation is deeply problematic.

In a civil defamation case, Iswaran would have been required to testify as one of the alleged victims of defamation.

If he had denied corrupt acts under oath, the revelations of his unethical behaviour would have left him vulnerable to perjury charges.

But under criminal defamation, the alleged victims of defamation are not required to testify for the alleged falsehoods in court, shielding them from scrutiny, leaving me and my lawyers without recourse to challenge the claims.

When DSP Au Yong filed the police report against TOC, he testified that he believed the phrase “corruption at the highest echelons” referred to the Singapore Cabinet, a conclusion he reached based on the context of the letter and its criticism of the PAP leadership.

But today, we know that at least one high-ranking Cabinet member was guilty of unethical behaviour.

Had DSP Au Yong been aware of Iswaran’s conduct—accepting gifts while chairing the Formula 1 steering committee, accepting personal benefits from businessmen connected to his official duties—would he have pursued the same line of action against TOC?

Looking back at the phrase — according to what the court described — today, one would probably consider that it was closer to the truth than the authorities were willing to admit.

 

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SMRT cleans ‘spotty’ train flooring after Lim Tean’s public complaint

SMRT addressed concerns about train flooring in a Facebook post, sharing photos of workers cleaning the fourth-generation C151A trains. The operator noted that this cleaning has been completed on most trains in the C151A fleet. Netizens pointed out the timing, as the cleaning followed a complaint from Peoples Voice chief Lim Tean about “speckled” flooring observed while riding the East-West Line.

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SINGAPORE: Last Friday (4 Oct), SMRT addressed concerns regarding the flooring in some of its trains through a Facebook post, explaining that the surfaces may appear “dull and spotty” due to dirt accumulation trapped within the sealant.

The train operator outlined the steps being taken to restore the flooring to a cleaner condition.

Accompanying the post were photos showing SMRT workers cleaning the fourth-generation C151A trains.

After the initial cleaning is done, workers will then apply a fresh layer of sealant on the floor.

The cleaning process involves two steps: first, scrubbing away the trapped dirt, followed by the application of a fresh layer of sealant.

SMRT also noted that this process has been completed on most trains in the C151A fleet.

While many netizens expressed appreciation for SMRT’s efforts to enhance the appearance of train floors, some suggested extending cleaning maintenance to various stations.

One user pointed out the presence of thick dust and grime, particularly in high-traffic areas such as Orchard, Dhoby Ghaut, Little India, and Farrer Park.

The discussion also referenced a recent Facebook post by Lim Tean, the leader of the Peoples Voice (PV), who first raised the concern about the train floors.

On 1 October, Lim shared an image taken while riding the East-West Line, highlighting the “speckled flooring” he claims is a common sight.

“Doesn’t this look like a train in a third-world country? Has SMRT gone Bohemian, thinking that the trains they operate should exhibit a ‘natural wear and tear’ look, in line with their philosophy of not over-maintaining?” he questioned.

Lim further critiqued the privatisation of public services, alleging that corporate shareholders reap generous returns year after year at the expense of everyday commuters.

Lim’s post has since attracted over 220 shares, sparking further conversation about the state of public transportation in Singapore.

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