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WP’s Sylvia Lim raises some reservations about changes made to Criminal Law (Miscellaneous Amendments) Bill

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CRIMINAL LAW (MISCELLANEOUS AMENDMENTS) BILL

Speech by Ms Sylvia Lim (Aljunied GRC MP) — Parliament, 13 September

I declare that I am a lawyer in a criminal law practice.

The rationale for some of the key amendments was previously discussed in the House in March, during the Ministerial Statement on the Review of the Sentencing Framework for Sexual and Hurt Offences. Earlier, the Minister in his Second Reading speech reiterated the government’s position as well.

Today I wish to instead raise some reservations about another aspect of the Bill – the changes to the offences involving giving false information to public servants or obstructing them in their duty.

Overall, it appears to me that the changes in the Bill will result in a blurring of the distinctions between different offences, and I am not clear as to why this is necessary or desirable.

Let me explain.

Under Clause 12, the scope of the offence under Section 182 of the Penal Code will be expanded. Section 182 deals with the offence of giving false information, with intent to cause a public servant to use his lawful power to the injury of another person.

According to the Explanatory Note to the Bill, and confirmed by the Minister of State earlier, Section 182 is being amended in the light of the High Court decision this year in PP v Chua Wen Hao [2021] SGHC 70.

In that case, the offender falsely told police that he did not know the identity of a person who had set fire to certain property belonging to a hotel. This denial led the police to spend nearly 22 man-hours on investigations to establish the identity of the culprit.

In giving his judgment in the case, as noted by the MOS earlier, the Chief Justice ruled that Section 182 did not cover a situation where the false information simply led to a public servant being inefficient in exercising its lawful powers to investigate the case.

He ruled that Section 182 was meant to cover situations where the offender intended or knew that the false information would likely lead the public servant to abuse or misuse his powers or to improperly omit to use lawful powers.

Such scenarios would include false statements that lead to a wrongful arrest, or which subject innocent persons to annoyance. The Chief Justice made clear that false information leading to a public servant simply being inefficient in carrying out his lawful duties did not come under Section 182.

While Clause 12 of this Bill is clearly intended to plug that gap, what is notable from Chua’s case is that the offender was not let off scot-free, but was convicted of a simpler offence of furnishing false information to a public servant, under Section 177 of the Penal Code.

That being the case, I wonder why it is necessary to amend Section 182 and, in particular, to add another illustration (d) to capture the situation where false information simply leads to an inefficient use of police resources.

Such conduct is already caught by Section 177. In addition, the sub-heading or marginal note to Section 182 is not being amended, so it will still read: “False information, with intent to cause a public servant to use his lawful power to the injury of another person”.

This could result in some misunderstanding by the public as to the scope of the section.

It therefore seems to me that there will now be a blurring of the lines between Section 177 and 182, and the rationale for this change is not compelling.

Yet further blurring may be caused by Clause 13, which amends Section 186 of the Penal Code. Section 186 deals with “Obstructing public servant in discharge of his public functions”. Under Clause 13, a new subsection (2) will be added, to state that obstructing a public servant may be caused other than by the use of physical means or threatening language.

A new illustration is introduced, where a group of SCDF paramedics is attending to a case of heart attack in a high-rise block, intending to use the lift to the 30th floor; the paramedics are then told by the offender that the lift is out of order, which is not true, causing them to take the stairs.

This new illustration confirms that Section 186 too will be expanded to cover the giving of false information.

There now appears to be yet another overlap between offences, in that giving false information could come within Section 177, and also within Section 186. How will the police decide which section to charge a person under?

In studying this matter, I note that under Section 177, the offender must have been under a legal duty to give information, whereas under Section 186 the offender need not have been under such a duty. Giving false information to a public servant when one is under a legal duty to give information is arguably more serious than when one is not under such a duty.

This raises the additional question of why the maximum jail term under Section 186 is now being brought to the same level as Section 177, being raised from three months to six months, when there is a difference in culpability.

To that end, the Ministry’s clarifications on the changes being made by Clauses 12 and 13 would be useful for future cases.

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AFP

Marcos says Philippines is ‘done talking’ with ICC

President Ferdinand Marcos announced that the Philippines will no longer cooperate with the International Criminal Court’s probe into the drug war, asserting that the alleged crimes should be handled domestically.

The ICC resumed its inquiry despite the country’s withdrawal in 2019. Thousands have died in the anti-narcotics campaign under both Duterte and Marcos’ administrations.

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MANILA, PHILIPPINES — The Philippines will no longer deal with the International Criminal Court, President Ferdinand Marcos said Friday after The Hague-based tribunal rejected Manila’s appeal to stop a probe into a deadly drug war.

Thousands of people have been killed in the anti-narcotics campaign started by former president Rodrigo Duterte in 2016 and continued under Marcos.

“We’re done talking with the ICC,” Marcos told reporters during a visit to the southern island of Mindanao, according to an official transcript.

“The alleged crimes are here in the Philippines, the victims are Filipino, so why go to The Hague? It should be here,” he said.

The ICC launched a formal inquiry into Duterte’s crackdown in September 2021, only to suspend it two months later after Manila said it was re-examining several hundred cases of drug operations that led to deaths at the hands of police, hitmen and vigilantes.

ICC chief prosecutor Karim Khan later asked to reopen the inquiry in June 2022, and pre-trial judges at the court gave the green light in late January — a decision that Manila appealed shortly afterwards.

A five-judge bench on Tuesday dismissed Manila’s objection that the court had no jurisdiction because the Philippines pulled out of the ICC in 2019, some three years before the inquiry was resumed.

Marcos said Friday the government would take “no more actions” regarding the ICC ruling, but would “continue to defend the sovereignty of the Philippines and continue to question the jurisdiction of the ICC in their investigations”.

Thousands killed

More than 6,000 people were killed in police anti-drug operations during Duterte’s term, official government figures show, but ICC prosecutors estimate the death toll at between 12,000 and 30,000.

The drug war has continued under Marcos even though he has pushed for more focus on prevention and rehabilitation.

More than 350 drug-related killings have been recorded since Marcos took office last June, according to figures compiled by Dahas, a University of the Philippines-backed research project that keeps count of such killings.

Opened in 2002, the ICC is the world’s only permanent court for war crimes and crimes against humanity and aims to prosecute the worst abuses when national courts are unable or unwilling.

Manila argues it has a fully functioning judicial system, and as such, its courts and law enforcement should handle the investigation into alleged rights abuses during the drug war — not the ICC.

Only four police officers have been convicted for killing drug suspects in two separate cases since the start of the crackdown in 2016.

Rights groups allege the killings were carried out as part of a state policy, and that Duterte had publicly encouraged them with incendiary rhetoric during his public comments.

During his presidency, Duterte openly encouraged law enforcers to shoot suspects in anti-drug operations if the lawmen felt their own lives were in danger.

— AFP

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AFP

US slams Hong Kong bounties as ‘dangerous’ precedent

The US condemns Hong Kong’s bounties on democracy activists abroad, warning of dangerous precedent and human rights threats.

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WASHINGTON, UNITED STATES — The United States on Monday condemned Hong Kong authorities for issuing bounties linked to democracy activists based abroad, saying the move sets a dangerous precedent that could threaten human rights.

Hong Kong police offered bounties of HK$1 million (about US$127,600) for information leading to the capture of eight prominent dissidents who live abroad and are wanted for national security crimes.

“The United States condemns the Hong Kong Police Force’s issuance of an international bounty” against the eight activists, State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller said in a statement.

“The extraterritorial application of the Beijing-imposed National Security Law is a dangerous precedent that threatens the human rights and fundamental freedoms of people all over the world,” he added, saying China is engaging in “transnational repression efforts.”

“We call on the Hong Kong government to immediately withdraw this bounty, respect other countries’ sovereignty, and stop the international assertion of the National Security Law imposed by Beijing.”

The national security law — which has reshaped Hong Kong society and eroded the firewall that once existed between the special autonomous region and the mainland — has the power to hold accused people across the world accountable.

All eight activists are alleged to have colluded with foreign forces to endanger national security — an offense that carries a sentence of up to life in prison.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) also weighed in from its New York headquarters to attack the bounties as “baseless” and an expansion of China’s “political intimidation campaign beyond its borders.”

“The Hong Kong government increasingly goes above and beyond to persecute peaceful dissent both within Hong Kong and abroad,” Maya Wang, HRW’s associate Asia director, said in a statement.

“Offering a cross-border bounty is a feeble attempt to intimidate activists and elected representatives outside Hong Kong who speak up for people’s rights against Beijing’s growing repression.”

— AFP

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