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NUS students call for more accountability and security, management redirects questions to review committee

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More than 500 students flocked to the auditorium in the Stephen Riady Centre at the National University of Singapore (NUS) yesterday evening (25 April) with the expectations of having their voices heard regarding their concerns about sexual misconduct and have them addressed through NUS’ investigation and disciplinary procedures.

The town halll — led by Vice-Provost (Student Life) Florence Ling, Associate Professor and Dean of Students Peter Pang as well as Ms Celestine Chua from the University Counselling Services —generated backlash from the students when the management kept deflecting their feedback and questions to the review committee that will be set up by the university to review its current disciplinary and support frameworks.

This town hall was set up between NUS and its students following the recent case of Nicholas Lim secretly filming Monica Baey when she was showering. Ms Baey, 23, had flown back from an exchange programme in Taiwan to attend the session and speak out about her traumatising experience.

She described the lack of support and communication from the university about the incident and disciplinary process, such as leaving her to deal with a male police officer on her own and providing “incomplete information” during follow-ups with the university staff over the phone.

Ms Baey then suggested that NUS set up a separate office and a 24/7 hotline to provide emotional and administrative support for sexual assault cases. She also urged NUS to consider 2-years suspensions, “no-contact conditions” between the victims and perpetrators, and for the offences to be documented in a student’s record.

In response, Ms Ling apologised to Ms Baey for the university’s inadequacies in handling the situation and elaborated that a victim care unit would be established to attend to the victim by providing the necessary support. Campus security would also be improved.

However, Ms Baey was not the only victim with a story to tell. A female student recounted her experience of being molested by one of her seniors in the Faculty of Science. She was solely interrogated by university staff who accused her of being “inconsistent” with her testimony. Her case was dismissed a month later due to lack of evidence and her offender had since graduated.

A male student also recounted another case on behalf of a female friend, who was the second victim of another voyeur still studying in NUS. The student alleged that the Office of Campus Security (OCS) had responded to the matter in a highly inappropriate manner by giving his friend a rape whistle to use. The victim had also been pressured by the school’s counsellor to drop the case to give the perpetrator a chance at “rehabilitation”.

Besides that, there were other students who stood up to question NUS’ “zero-tolerance” policy-making on sexual harassment and the final outcome of Mr Lim’s punishment, among other things. There was even an unpopular opinion by a student who felt that a harsher punishment for Mr Lim would set a precedent for future cases just because a victim was more articulate.

In spite of the students’ queries and proposals for more transparency and security, the management of NUS responded by deferring all decisions to the review committee. Prof Pang explained that the committee would be more involved in the next town hall meeting.

The petition on Change.org seeking for heavier punishment for Mr Lim was updated by Wayne Wee in which he spelt out the good, the bad and the ugly details of the meeting. One of the biggest negatives pointed out in the petition was the constant deferment to the yet-to-be-formed committee.

Mr Wee said, “Whenever questions were asked about whether certain actions could be taken, the facilitators declined to answer, citing that it was the responsibility of the Review Committee. Whilst it is understandable that facilitators would be unable to give an on-the-spot reply, it is also only reasonable that NUS already have potential suggestions in place that could be discussed in the meeting.”

This session not only left many issues unanswered and students dissatisfied, but requests to extend the meeting were denied as well.

On the delay, Mr Wee said, “At best, this was a failure to take into account the possibility of a delay, even despite having knowledge of the scale of the dissatisfaction amongst the student body. At worst, this was another example of NUS not taking matters like these seriously.”

“To say that the first Town Hall was a failure would be an understatement. Here’s to hoping the next one would be less of a disappointment,” he concluded.

In the end, Prof Pang acknowledged NUS’ shortcomings and admitted that the university can do better, saying: “We acknowledge that the university has let you down. We have not met your expectations. We need to create a safer environment for all of us. There have got to be changes, this cannot go on. We have to take a tougher stand.”

Below is a Twitter thread by @KellynnWee, documenting the entire meeting live:

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Reforming Singapore’s defamation laws: Preventing legal weapons against free speech

Opinion: The tragic suicide of Geno Ong, linked to the financial stress from a defamation lawsuit, raises a critical issue: Singapore’s defamation laws need reform. These laws must not be weaponized to silence individuals.

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by Alexandar Chia

This week, we hear the tragic story of the suicide of Geno Ong, with Ong citing the financial stress from the defamation lawsuit against her by Raymond Ng and Iris Koh.

Regardless of who’s right and who’s wrong, this Koh/Ng vs Ong affair raises a wider question at play – the issue of Singapore’s defamation laws and how it needs to be tightened.

Why is this needed? This is because defamation suits cannot be weaponised the way they have been in Singapore law. It cannot be used to threaten people into “shutting up”.

Article 14(2)(a) of the Constitution may permit laws to be passed to restrict free speech in the area of defamation, but it does not remove the fact that Article 14(1)(a) is still law, and it permits freedom of speech.

As such, although Article 14(2)(a) allows restrictions to be placed on freedom of speech with regard to the issue of defamation, it must not be to the extent where Article 14(1)(a)’s rights and liberties are not curtailed completely or heavily infringed on.

Sadly, that is the case with regard to precedence in defamation suits.

Let’s have a look at the defamation suit then-PM Goh Chok Tong filed against Dr Chee Soon Juan after GE 2001 for questions Dr Chee asked publicly about a $17 billion loan made to Suharto.

If we look at point 12 of the above link, in the “lawyer’s letter” sent to Dr Chee, Goh’s case of himself being defamed centred on lines Dr Chee used in his question, such as “you can run but you can’t hide”, and “did he not tell you about the $17 billion loan”?

In the West, such lines of questioning are easily understood at worse as hyperbolically figurative expressions with the gist of the meaning behind such questioning on why the loan to Suharto was made.

Unfortunately, Singapore’s defamation laws saw Dr Chee’s actions of imputing ill motives on Goh, when in the West, it is expected of incumbents to take the kind of questions Dr Chee asked, and such questions asked of incumbent office holders are not uncommon.

And the law permits pretty flimsy reasons such as “withdrawal of allegations” to be used as a deciding factor if a statement is defamatory or not – this is as per points 66-69 of the judgement.

This is not to imply or impute ill intent on Singapore courts. Rather, it shows how defamation laws in Singapore needs to be tightened, to ensure that a possible future scenario where it is weaponised as a “shut-up tool”, occurs.

These are how I suggest it is to be done –

  1. The law has to make mandatory, that for a case to go into a full lawsuit, there has to be a 3-round exchange of talking points and two attempts at legal mediation.
  2. Summary judgment should be banned from defamation suits, unless if one party fails to adduce evidence or a defence.
  3. A statement is to be proven false, hence, defamatory, if there is strictly material along with circumstantial evidence showing that the statement is false. Apologies and related should not be used as main determinants, given how many of these statements are made in the heat of the moment, from the natural feelings of threat and intimidation from a defamation suit.
  4. A question should only be considered defamatory if it has been repeated, after material facts of evidence are produced showing, beyond reasonable doubt, that the message behind the question, is “not so”, and if there is a directly mentioned subject in the question. For example, if an Opposition MP, Mr A, was found to be poisoned with a banned substance, and I ask openly on how Mr A got access to that substance, given that its banned, I can’t be found to have “defamed the government” with the question as 1) the government was not mentioned directly and 2) if the government has not produced material evidence that they indeed had no role in the poisoning affair, if they were directly mentioned.
  5. Damages should be tiered, with these tiers coded into the Defamation Act – the highest quantum of damages (i.e. those of a six-figured nature) is only to be reserved if the subject of defamation lost any form of office, revenue or position, or directly quantifiable public standing, or was subjected to criminal action, because of the act of defamation. If none of such occur, the maximum amount of damages a plaintiff in a defamation can claim is a 4-figure amount capped at $2000. This will prevent rich and powerful figures from using defamation suits and 6-figure damages to intimidate their questioners and detractors.
  6. All defendants of defamation suit should be allowed full access to legal aid schemes.

Again, this piece does not suggest bad-faith malpractice by the courts in Singapore. Rather, it is to suggest how to tighten up defamation laws to avoid it being used as the silencing hatchet.

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Man arrested for alleged housebreaking and theft of mobile phones in Yishun

A 23-year-old man was arrested for allegedly breaking into a Yishun Ring Road rental flat and stealing eight mobile phones worth S$3,400 from five tenants. The Singapore Police responded swiftly on 1 September, identifying and apprehending the suspect on the same day. The man has been charged with housebreaking, which carries a potential 10-year jail term.

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SINGAPORE: A 23-year-old man has been arrested for allegedly breaking into a rental flat along Yishun Ring Road and stealing eight mobile phones from five tenants.

The incident occurred in the early hours on Sunday (1 September), according to a statement from the Singapore Police Force.

The authorities reported that they received a call for assistance at around 5 a.m. on that day.

Officers from the Woodlands Police Division quickly responded and, through ground enquiries and police camera footage, were able to identify and apprehend the suspect on the same day.

The stolen mobile phones, with an estimated total value of approximately S$3,400, were recovered hidden under a nearby bin.

The suspect was charged in court on Monday with housebreaking with the intent to commit theft.

If convicted, he could face a jail term of up to 10 years and a fine.

In light of this incident, the police have advised property owners to take precautions to prevent similar crimes.

They recommend securing all doors, windows, and other openings with good quality grilles and padlocks when leaving premises unattended, even for short periods.

The installation of burglar alarms, motion sensor lights, and CCTV cameras to cover access points is also advised. Additionally, residents are urged to avoid keeping large sums of cash and valuables in their homes.

The investigation is ongoing.

Last month, police disclosed that a recent uptick in housebreaking incidents in private residential estates across Singapore has been traced to foreign syndicates, primarily involving Chinese nationals.

Preliminary investigations indicate that these syndicates operate in small groups, targeting homes by scaling perimeter walls or fences.

The suspects are believed to be transient travelers who enter Singapore on Social Visit Passes, typically just a day or two before committing the crimes.

Before this recent surge in break-ins, housebreaking cases were on the decline, with 59 reported in the first half of this year compared to 70 during the same period last year.

However, between 1 June and 4 August 2024, there were 10 reported housebreaking incidents, predominantly in private estates around the Rail Corridor and Bukit Timah Road.

The SPF has intensified efforts to engage residents near high-risk areas by distributing crime prevention advisories, erecting alert signs, and training them to patrol their neighborhoods, leading to an increase in reports of suspicious activity.

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