Editorial
Ministers give “motherhood statements” with half stats, rather than providing specific figures requested by PSP NCMPs
Ministerial statements on Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) and India-Singapore Comprehensive Economic Cooperation (CECA) have been delivered in Parliament on Tuesday (6 July), but the ministers appear to have given more “motherhood statements”, rather than providing specific figures as requested by the Progress Singapore Party’s (PSP) Non-Constituency Members of Parliament (NCMPs).
Earlier, Health Minister Ong Ye Kung announced that he and Manpower Minister Dr Tan See Leng will deliver ministerial statements on the matter at this month’s Parliament sitting. This was prompted by PSP’s NCMP Leong Mun Wai accepting Law Minister K Shanmugam’s challenge to seek “further clarification” on foreign employment policies and CECA.
In a Facebook post on 1 July, the Health Minister noted that the duo will explain how important FTAs are to Singaporeans and how they work. They will also address the “false allegations” that FTAs permit foreign professionals a free hand to live and work in Singapore.
“We will also move to open our Ministerial Statements for debate. This will allow members of the PSP to respond to our statements if they wish to,” he added.
Mr Ong also claimed that the unhappiness towards Indian immigrants in Singapore is fuelled largely by false allegations made by PSP on how the CECA has allowed Indian professionals to come here easily for work.
He went on to note that while there are concerns about racist behaviours in Singapore that need to be addressed, PSP’s “false allegations” on CECA had made it worse here.
Not long after Mr Ong made the announcement, PSP’s secretary-general Francis Yuen issued a statement on the party’s Facebook page saying that PSP refutes the “false allegations” put forth by the Minister.
“We are bewildered by Mr Ong’s baseless allegations that we have contributed in no small part to the undercurrent of sentiment against immigrant Indians through PSP that CECA has given Indian PMETs a free hand to work here,” the statement read.
It also pointed out that Mr Ong’s “serious allegations” were made without facts pointing to where or when PSP made such alleged false statements in the first place.
Leong Mun Wai’s first question was barely half answered
In particular, NCMP Leong Mun Wai had filed questions in Parliament on the number of nationals from countries under Singapore’s FTAs—namely China, India, US, and Australia—who have entered and worked in Singapore using Intra-Corporate Transferee (ICT) visas, professional visas, and dependent passes for each year from 2005 until last year.
In response, Dr Tan told the House on Tuesday that the total number of ICTs have “consistently been very small” as there were only about 4,200 ICTs working in Singapore last year, of which 500 were brought in from India.
This is out of 177,000 Employment Pass (EP) holders in Singapore, said the Minister.
“None of our FTAs, including CECA, gives ICTs unfettered access to our labour market, they all have to meet the Ministry of Manpower’s work pass criteria,” he said.
Dr Tan went on to explain that such employees are subject to additional checks on their seniority, employment history and work experience. They are also subject to “more conditions” on their eligibility to bring in dependants, and apply for permanent residency or future employment in Singapore.
Dr Tan also clarified that there is no such category as “professional visas”, adding that all 127 categories of professionals under CECA currently come in under the regular work pass framework.
“The PSP has made Indian Nationals coming in through CECA a focus of contention but I’m afraid they’ve been barking up the wrong tree.
“The number of ICTs coming in under our FTAs, and in particular CECA, is a very small number relative to the total numbers of EPs. So I suggest we set aside this red herring and move on,” he added.
Shifting away from the question, Dr Tan asked to focus on the “heart of the matter” instead, which is how Singapore can remain open to global talent to create opportunities for Singaporeans while managing the attendance of social repercussions.
“Singaporeans are pragmatic and understand that we need to remain open to global talent. However, they also face real challenges,” he said, acknowledging that the growth in EP holders has come at the expense of local professionals.
He noted Singaporeans concerns that some workplaces have become more concentrated with a single nationality, and that there may be discrimination against local job seekers and workers.
“I’m not suggesting that all of our approaches are perfect and obviously, we are always a work in progress. But we will continue to refine them in the light of experiences, always with a focused view to having a system that can deliver good jobs, livelihood and a thriving economy for Singaporeans,” he noted.
We note that Dr Tan only provided figured for various passes issued under the FTA for 2020, instead of every year since 2005 as requested by Mr Leong. There was also no breakdown of the figures by country.
Leong Mun Wai’s second question was hardly answered
In his second Parliamentary question on the FTAs and CECA, Mr Leong asked the number of nationals from China, India, USA, and Australia, holding EPs or S Passes who are currently working in companies with fewer than 10 employees.
This question, however, was hardly even answered by the Ministers.
Mr Ong revealed that the number of EP holders has increased from 65,000 in 2005 to 177,000 in 2020—an increase over 15 years of 112,000 or an annual growth rate of just under 7 per cent—but the increase in the number of local professionals is much higher by over 380,000.
“These numbers underline an important point: that competition between foreign and local PMEs is not a zero-sum game,” he remarked.
Meanwhile, Dr Tan told the House that about a quarter of the 177,100 EP holders in Singapore hail from India last year, which has increased from about one-seventh in 2005, but he did not provide any specific numbers to this.
“The top nationalities that comprise around two-thirds of our EP holders has been consistent since 2005 – namely, China, India, Japan, Malaysia, Philippines, and the UK. The interest is really in Indian EP holders,” he explained.
The Minister noted that by comparison, the proportion of EP holders from China has remained “relatively stable” across the same period.
“Now, is this the result of more favourable treatment for Indian EP holders due to the CECA? The answer is no,” he remarked.
Dr Tan reiterated that all work pass holders have to meet the same criteria before they are allowed to enter the labour market in Singapore, and that there is “no differentiation based on nationality”.
“Rather, these numbers reflect trends in the global demand and supply of tech talent,” he said, adding that the larger increase in Indian EP holders is driven by the rapid growth of Singapore’s digital economy.
“We do not have enough locals to fill the jobs available. In the Infocomm sector alone, 6,000 jobs currently remain unfulfilled,” said Dr Tan.
Dr Tan also noted that China and India have been “two of the largest suppliers of tech talent”, but while Chinese talents decide to stay in their own country—because China has “sprouted so many unicorns” and has a huge demand—India’s talent continued to “look outwards”. Again, he did not provide specific numbers.
“Our companies are both creators of technology as well as adopters of tech talent. Given our shortage of manpower, even if the workers don’t come from India, they will come from somewhere else,” he added.
Furthermore, around 30,000 Permanent Residents and 20,000 new citizens are granted each year on average for the past couple of years. However, it remains unknown how many of these Work Pass holders were converted into PRs and citizenships and whether they are included in the figures provided by the Minister.
Again, we note that Mr Leong’s specific question was hardly answered.
No answer given to Hazel Poa’s question
Besides Mr Leong, PSP’s NCMP Hazel Poa also posed questions on the numbers of Dependant Passes and Long-Term Visit Passes that have been issued to relatives of nationals from China, India, USA, and Australia who are EP and S Pass holders, respectively, for each year from 2005 to last year.
Dr Tan answered: “Ms Hazel Poa has asked for numbers on dependants in Singapore. This is relevant, insofar as they are competing with locals for jobs. But as shared previously, the vast majority of dependants do not work during their stay in Singapore.”
He noted that the number of Dependant Pass holders who have sought employment in Singapore via a Letter of Consent (LOC) constitute only about one per cent of all Work Pass holders.
“In fact, Members would remember that we regularised the work arrangements of DP holders in May this year – DP holders who wish to work in Singapore can no longer obtain an LOC. Instead, they will have to qualify for a relevant work pass on their own merit, and go through normal work pass routes,” he added.
Dr Tan continued: “There will always be calls from workers to tighten our foreign workforce policies further, just as there will always be calls from businesses to relax them. It is the constant tightrope that MOM and MTI have to navigate delicately amidst highly competitive global markets for both investments and talent.”
Once again, we note that both the ministers did not quite address the question posed by Ms Poa.
Statistics cannot be revealed due to foreign policy reasons, says Dr Tan
At one point during his speech, Dr Tan highlighted that the Government is unable to provide detailed statistics on Singapore’s foreign workforce, especially by nationality, due to foreign policy reasons.
“We are not aware of any country that reports at the level of granularity requested,” he remarked.
Ms Poa questioned if there would be more data being released as the Ministers had not provided all of the information that PSP had requested. To this, Mr Ong answered that they have “tried best” to do so.
Mr Ong went on to clarify that he had not promised that they would tabulate and provide all data, but that Dr Tan would only provide more detailed answers to the specific questions, including “providing the data which will be useful for our subsequent debate and putting that data in context”.
“We try to provide as much as we can, but I think there’s a limit to what we can do,” he added.
Unlikely to see a motion filed without transparency from Government on labour statistics
Earlier on 22 June, Mr Leong shared that PSP will seek “further information” on foreign employment policies and CECA from the Government at the Parliament sitting in July.
This was following his acceptance of the challenge from Law and Home Affairs Minister K Shanmugam in May to file a motion to debate the CECA in Parliament, to which he responded that PSP is interested in taking up the issue of CECA at “some point in time”.
Mr Leong wrote in a Facebook post that the PSP has accepted the challenge to have “a thorough debate” on Singapore’s employment policies and the CECA, in the spirit of “protecting our domestic economy and our people”.
“The Progress Singapore Party (PSP) feels strongly that the time to rebalance the interests of the Singaporeans vis-à-vis Foreign PMETs (defined as all the work pass holders) in the job market is long overdue,” he wrote, adding that this is necessary to create a “win-win” situation for Singaporeans and foreign nationals.
The first step to this, he stressed, is by obtaining “prompt and complete information so as to promote transparency”.
However, based on the response and the data provided from the two Ministers, it may still be months before PSP is able to dig out the information that it requires to engage in a meaningful debate with the Government.
Without the information sought by the NCMPs, any motion filed by PSP on the matter of CECA will digress into a mud fight of ideology and rhetoric.
Editorial
CNA’s one-sided POFMA coverage ignores key opposition and independent voices
[Editorial] Channel News Asia’s recent article on POFMA is marred by a lack of balance and transparency. By failing to engage key stakeholders and overlooking the challenges of contesting POFMA orders, the article skews public perception, reinforcing state narratives while ignoring critical perspectives.
Channel News Asia’s (CNA) recent article, “Views stay divided on POFMA five years on, but has it helped in tackling fake news?” on the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA) is presented as a balanced reflection on the law five years after its enactment after a very controversial parliamentary process.
However, the article raises significant concerns about its lack of objectivity, transparency, and the selective representation of public sentiments toward the law.
Given CNA’s ownership by the Singapore government through Temasek Holdings, these concerns highlight the limitations of state-funded media in critically evaluating government policies. In Singaporean terms, this article shows how “ownself check ownself” literally “cannot make it”.
Lack of Transparency in Claims
The article claims that CNA reached out to “several recipients” of past POFMA orders to discuss their experiences.
Yet, after cross-checking with numerous POFMA recipients, it appears that only two individuals confirmed being contacted.
Crucially, major targets of POFMA orders, such as The Online Citizen (TOC), Kenneth Jeyaretnam, and the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP)—all of whom have been frequent recipients of POFMA correction directions—were not approached for comment.
This was confirmed by the above and also by Worker’s Party’s Yee Jenn Jong and Progress Singapore Party’s Leong Mun Wai,
This omission distorts the narrative, leaving out key perspectives from those who have been most affected by POFMA, casting serious doubts on the objectivity of the article as a whole.
Moreover, when contacted for clarification on who among POFMA recipients was reached out to, the article’s author did not respond.
This lack of transparency further undermines the credibility of CNA’s claim that it attempted to consult multiple stakeholders. By selectively omitting arguably the most important voices, the article fails to provide a comprehensive view of how POFMA has been applied or received.
Selective Representation of Public Sentiment
CNA’s portrayal of public sentiment toward POFMA is similarly problematic.
The article claims that “a majority” of those interviewed agreed with the necessity of the law to combat falsehoods.
However, this assertion seems at odds with the article’s reception on social media—or, more specifically, its absence online.
CNA chose not to post the article on its usual primary social media platforms, opting instead to post it only on Telegram.
This unusual choice suggests CNA may have anticipated criticism of the article’s narrative and sought to limit public engagement. This does not speak to confidence in the assertion that the “majority” of those interviewed agreed with the law unless the interviewees were restricted to a very narrow echo chamber.
Even on Telegram, the response was overwhelmingly negative, with 372 users disliking the post versus 70 expressing approval.
While this is not a representative sample of the entire population, it directly challenges the article’s claim that most people support POFMA.
The negative reaction on Telegram further undermines the argument that public sentiment is largely in favour of the law, particularly when the CNA itself avoided posting the article where public scrutiny could be more visible and objectively documented.
TOC also posted a survey on Facebook asking if people were in support of the law, with the majority saying no. We recognized the limitations of the survey and did not try to claim to present a balanced view of the law but rather an estimate of public perception based on an open, transparent survey.
The Hidden Costs of Challenging POFMA
One of the most misleading aspects of CNA’s coverage is the Ministry of Law’s (MinLaw) claim that the lack of challenges to POFMA orders indicates that recipients knew they were spreading falsehoods.
This interpretation ignores the significant financial, emotional, and legal barriers to challenging POFMA orders.
It also ignores the fact that while the majority of POFMA recipients have not formally challenged the orders in court, many of them published statements disagreeing with the correction directions that they were forced to carry.
To get some idea about how onerous a formal legal challenge to a POFMA direction, just visit the instruction page to learn how to go about filing a POFMA appeal; simply looking at the fees and potential costs involved is intimidating enough.
The fees listed also do not include the cost of hiring a lawyer to represent the individual or entity in court. While you can represent yourself in court, based on TOC’s experience, you would be facing three trained legal professionals arguing against you, which would be very challenging, to say the least.
The reality is that for many, complying with a POFMA order is the path of least resistance, especially when the alternative is public embarrassment, legal intimidation (if they cannot afford a lawyer), and the financial burden of a court battle.
TOC, which has filed the most court applications against POFMA with three applications and received the most directions at 15—more if you include Gutzy Asia’s directions—stopped contesting some of the more recent orders not because it admitted to spreading falsehoods but because the legal process is too onerous and costly.
Because of the way the law is written, challenging a POFMA order is, in most cases, less about proving truth or falsehood but rather about how government ministers frame their statements as being false.
The “multiple meanings” rule taken to be the yardstick by which statements are judged under POFMA presents a huge challenge to anyone making a statement as it would imply that any statement has to take into account varied interpretations beyond the original intent of the statement maker. This legal quagmire deters even those with legitimate cases from fighting back.
A prime example is Terry Xu’s case, where he challenged a POFMA order issued by Minister of Home Affairs and Law K Shanmugam in 2023.
Despite Mr Shanmugam’s statement in parliament that no costs would be imposed on individuals who contest POFMA orders, the Attorney-General’s Chambers (AGC) tried to obtain legal costs from Xu.
The court ultimately rejected AGC’s claim and ordered the AGC to pay Xu S$2,500 in costs for the failed application.
Following the Court of Appeal’s ruling that one must establish a prima facie case that the alleged falsehood is true (in other words, that the burden of proof falls on the person who has allegedly made the false statement rather than on the Minister), TOC also had to withdraw its appeal against the POFMA correction direction regarding Ho Ching’s salary after the AGC threatened to seek costs.
It would have been challenging for TOC to contest the case, as the claim originated from a Taiwanese media outlet, which TOC merely reported on. Notably, the Taiwanese media outlet itself was not issued a POFMA correction direction.
This situation highlights a double standard, where media reporting on the government’s claims is not required to verify their truthfulness, given that POFMA directions do not apply to statements made by the government.
It also exemplifies the apparent arbitrariness of the POFMA process, a point that may have been hinted at in the CNA article but was not explored in depth.
A Skewed Perspective on POFMA’s Application
The CNA article also skirts around the fact that POFMA disproportionately targets opposition figures, activists, and independent media outlets.
It briefly notes that nine out of fourteen POFMA cases in 2023 involved opposition members or political candidates but fails to explore the implications of this statistic.
Instead of engaging with the criticism that POFMA is used selectively to suppress dissent, the article repeats MinLaw’s assertion that the process is rigorous and impartial.
However, selective enforcement is a real concern.
For example, the repeated use of POFMA against opposition figures and activists raises questions about whether the law is being applied fairly as promised against threats to public safety or as a tool to stifle political opponents of the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP).
By failing to address these concerns, CNA’s article gives the impression that POFMA’s application is fair and just and above reproach, which does not align with the experiences of those who have been most affected by it.
The article also fails to address how POFMA directions have predominantly been issued by a particular minister and his ministries.
If POFMA were intended to address falsehoods more broadly, one would expect a more even distribution of applications across different ministries, rather than the clear disparity seen in the statistics. (refer to TOC’s documented directions here)
CNA’s Reporting Reflects the Limitations of State Media
CNA’s article on POFMA misses the opportunity to provide a balanced and transparent evaluation of the law’s impact.
Given that CNA is state-owned and funded by Temasek Holdings, its coverage is naturally aligned with the government’s narrative, which explains the lack of critical engagement with the law’s flaws and controversies.
Rather than providing a platform for meaningful debate, CNA’s reporting reinforces the government’s position on POFMA while excluding key voices from the conversation.
Moreover, the decision to limit the article’s visibility on social media raises concerns about CNA’s willingness to engage with public criticism in general.
Ultimately, CNA’s coverage reflects the broader limitations of state media in critically analyzing government policies.
By failing to engage with all relevant stakeholders and presenting a one-sided view of POFMA, CNA’s reporting risks becoming an echo chamber for official government positions, rather than a platform for balanced, independent journalism.
With the SPH Media Trust also coming under the government’s financial umbrella, Singaporeans are at risk of being deprived of critically important news analysis due to this dominance by a one-sided official narrative.
Editorial
Undying Phoenix: TOC navigates regulatory restrictions with a revamped approach
Despite new regulations hindering operations, The Online Citizen Asia (TOC) views this as a chance to return to its roots, launching Gutzy Asia for Greater Asian news, while refocusing on Singapore. Inviting volunteer support, TOC’s commitment to truth and transparency remains unshakeable amidst these constraints.
On 21 July 2023, the Ministry of Communications and Information, under the leadership of Minister Josephine Teo, declared The Online Citizen Asia’s (TOC) website and social media platforms as Declared Online Locations (DOL) according to the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act 2019 (POFMA).
This decision follows a series of alleged false statements propagated by TOC, with the most recent incident reported on 2 May.
Amidst a politically charged environment characterized by scandals involving the People’s Action Party and increasing public mistrust towards the ruling government, TOC will continue to operate, albeit under significant constraints, despite the regulatory restrictions imposed.
The DOL declaration mandates that TOC must carry a public notice on its online platforms, which indicates its alleged history of disseminating misinformation.
The POFMA Office, however, clarified that TOC can continue its operations, retaining its website and social media pages under stringent regulations, particularly concerning monetization.
According to Part 5 of the POFMA, TOC is prohibited from gaining financial or material benefits from its operations. Additionally, offering financial support to TOC is equally unlawful. For the next two years, TOC will be compelled to self-sustain, relying solely on its resources without any public backing.
It strikes TOC as notably ironic that the Singapore government, eager to stymie our operations to prevent the spread of “fake news”, simultaneously demonstrates a fervour to invest S$900 million of taxpayer funds into the SPH Media Trust, currently embroiled in a data misrepresentation scandal. This dichotomy indeed presents a masterclass in cognitive dissonance.
Despite these significant constraints, TOC views this as an opportunity to revert to its roots, replicating the enthusiasm and drive that characterized our operation following our establishment in 2006.
Our existing staff will transition to a new publication, Gutzy Asia, focusing on news from Greater Asia, while TOC will refocus on its primary subject, Singapore, hence dropping the Asia subtext.
In this transition, we invite volunteers passionate about journalism and holding power to account to join us in our mission. We also welcome contributions from Singapore’s political parties, offering them a platform to express their perspectives and provide updates.
While this change may result in a decrease in content volume and frequency, we assure our supporters that our commitment to truth and transparency remains steadfast. We are legally obliged not to seek financial aid, but we hope our supporters will provide us with manpower and information support.
We are resolute in our decision to continue TOC’s operations, standing in defiance against attempts to silence dissent through lawsuits and intimidating regulations. We are here to serve the people, and we will continue our mission with determination and resilience.
To keep up to date with the publication: Follow The Online Citizen via telegram (Gutzy Asia’s posts are included)
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