lhl

In an interview with reporters recently, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong was asked about his successor.

Q: Is your future successor currently in the Cabinet? Because you have said you want to hand over before you are 70 years old, so is it also likely that you hand over to your successor mid-way in the next term, so you have to give him a little time to prepare?

PM: Yes, he may already be in the Cabinet, but it is not entirely certain, because I will bring in some MPs and some new people with leadership calibre in the next General Election. Therefore, we should be able to find a successor between this election, the previous election and the next election.

Mr Lee’s answer is revealing in that the Government is clearly still unsure if it has found the “Dalai Lama”, as one reporter put it some years ago.

This is in sharp contrast to what Singapore’s leaders had said in the past but is reflective of the problem the Government (and the ruling People’s Action Party) is facing in looking for top talents to join its leadership ranks.

In a speech in Parliament in 2007 during the debate on civil service salaries revision, PM Lee said he hoped that in 10 years time, one among those he has assembled in government will be ready to take over the reins as prime minister.

The next general elections must be called by January 2017 – two years from today.

Mr Lee thus has just two more years to anoint his successor.

And indeed, in the lead-up to the last general elections in 2011, the talk was all about the next generation of government leaders, and how the PAP’s new candidates would form the “nucleus” of this.

However, among the PAP’s new set of winning candidates from 2011, only four have emerged as a potential future PM.

But among the four, it was pointed out that two of them – Chan Chun Sing and Tan Chuan Jin – were from the military; while the other two – Heng Swee Keat and Lawrence Wong – were from the civil service.

The PAP seems to have problems recruiting from outside its traditional hunting grounds of the military, the civil service, and the unions, at least as far as potential top leaders are concerned.

Yet, speaking at an event in the Nanyang Technological University in 2010, Emeritus Senior Minister, Goh Chok Tong, expressed hope that “Singapore’s fourth Prime Minister could be among the new faces fielded in the next general election.”

He was referring to the general elections of 2011.

“Out of this election, we must produce Singapore’s fourth Prime Minister and a core team of younger Ministers who will take over from the present team,” he said.

Given what Mr Lee has said in his latest remarks on the matter – that “it is not entirely certain” that the next PM is in the current Cabinet – Mr Goh’s hopes must be held out for a bit longer.

Mr Lee now says his successor may be someone from the next elections instead.

But this just shows that the leadership succession plans of the PAP may have run into uncertain waters.

To be sure, succession is not an easy thing to engineer.

For example, former Law Minister, S Jayakumar, was “anxious that I find a successor”, Mr Lee said in 2007.

This was because by 2008, Professor Jayakumar would have been the Minister for Law for 20 years.

In 2008, the government had to bring in a backbencher to replace Prof Jayakumar – PAP MP for Sembawang GRC, K Shanmugam, who continues to helm the ministry.

Another instance which perhaps shows the difficulty the government is facing in its recruitment plans is finding a replacement for NTUC chief Lim Swee Say.

Mr Lim, who is currently 61-years old, had said in 2011 that he would retire from politics at the next general elections. However, he made an about-turn in 2014 and said that he would contest the next elections instead.

Speculations are that there is a lack of well known ministers who can take over the helm at East Coast GRC which the opposition Workers’ Party (WP) has in its sights. Former Transport minister Raymond Lim, who is also in the PAP East Coast team, is expected to step down as well.

In addition, as Mr Lee said, there could be a bigger number of smaller GRCs in the next elections. If this is the case, we will see PAP candidates who are currently Ministers of State, instead of the Ministers themselves, helm these teams for the PAP in an election.

Also, questions were raised about who might replace Mr Lim at the NTUC. Mr Lim has served eight years as secretary general of the union movement.

Mr Lee said in December that Singaporeans “will know within a few months” who Mr Lim’s successor will be.

And across the board in almost all PAP-held constituencies, there could be quite a few ministers who may make way for younger blood, or are “ripe” to be replaced.

In Tanjong Pagar and Marine Parade GRCs, for example, Mr Lee Kuan Yew (92) and Mr Goh (74), may not be fielded in the next elections. Both were moved out of the Cabinet in 2011.

Similarly, Wong Kan Seng (69) in Bishan-Toa Payoh;  Yaacob Ibrahim (60) in Moulmein-Kallang; Lim Hng Kiang (61) in West Coast GRC; and Mah Bow Tan (67) in Tampines, may all be looking at stepping down as well.

But the main question of leadership succession at the very top is the one which concerns most Singaporeans.

Mr Lee himself has been in politics for 30 years, with 10 as prime minister. His preparation, so to speak, for prime ministership took 20 years.

His successor may not have that luxury of time, given that Mr Lee, who is 62, has indicated he would like to step down by 70.

And in politics things may not run so smoothly anymore.

As Mr Lee himself said, when answering a question about how the PAP ensures that its candidates meet the party’s requirements:

“As to how to ensure that our candidates meet our requirements, we will do this job to the best of our ability, and check behind the scenes. However, no one can be certain 100 per cent that it will not go wrong.”

Its choice for Speaker of Parliament is one such example of how things may not go as planned.

The answer to who will be Singapore’s next prime minister is thus still quite some ways from certainty.

Subscribe
Notify of
31 Comments
Newest
Oldest Most Voted
Inline Feedbacks
View all comments
You May Also Like

滨海湾浮动舞台重新发展项目受疫情影响 发展工程将调整

本地建筑设计公司WOHA Architect将担任滨海湾浮动舞台重新发展项目的设计顾问。 国家发展部和国防部发表声明,海湾浮动舞台重新发展项目共吸引25方人马竞标,而最后决定将由本地建筑设计公司WOHA Architect带领的团队担任设计顾问,他们将善用其独有的海滨景观,设计出适合举行不同规模和类型活动的地点,融入游泳池、水上运动中心等社区体育设施以及餐饮和零售商店。 政府是在2017年宣布把浮动舞台重新发展为永久广场。该广场可用来举行社区活动、艺术表演、周末市集,以及春到河畔新春庆祝活动等。 文告表示,该项目原定2022年3月动工,预计2025年竣工,然而受到疫情的影响,项目规模和时间表可能会加以调整。

SPF: Facebook message of child kidnapped at Jurong Point Shopping Centre not true

The police have responded to the message circulating on Facebook about a…

为辩论贸易课题 中美主播隔空“舌战”

美国霍士财经频道女主播翠西(Trish Regan),于今早八时邀请中国环球电视网(CGTN)女主播刘欣作为其节目《黄金时间》嘉宾,针对中美贸易战课题展开公开辩论。 翠西一开始说明,这是难得的机会,让美国观众在此课题上聆听不同的观点,翠西表示自己不代表美国政府,而其“辩论对手”则代表中国共产党,惟她在节目中愿意欢迎各种异议。 刘欣一开始则澄清,本身并非中国共产党员,不应假定她是为中国政府说话,而她是作为一名中国环球电视网记者与特里斯对话。不过翠西则嘀咕说其实CGTN也是共产党的一部分。 翠西首先询问刘欣意见,即中美之间有没有可能达成协议,对此刘欣称自己没有内部消息,所以不清楚中美贸易谈判会有往哪进展,但认为中国政府已经非常明确地表明立场,除非美方也对中国谈判团表达尊重,愿意谈判而不是利用外部施压,那么协议还可能达成,否则恐怕对立还会持续。 翠西则回应自己也不认为贸易战对谁会有好处,“我真的希望可以解决,”但她也抛出知识产权问题,也列举出一些中国企业盗窃知识产权的例子。他说美国企业可能投入钜资、耗费十几年才研发成功,又如何让他们承担在中国概念、研究被盗窃的风险。 刘欣则回应,翠西可访问那些到中国营业的美企他们的看法,“但据我了解他们当中许多都盈利颇丰,而且大部分也愿意继续投资在中国,然而川普政府却让前景增添不确定。” 刘欣不否认又出现盗窃知识产权、商业机密的问题,但中国政府和人民对于知识产权保护是有共识的;再者,盗窃产权问题在各国都有,在美国也有企业相互诉讼对方盗版,不能以偏概全。 当翠西问道有关华为是否愿意与美国共享它的先进技术,刘欣认为若双方互惠互利、相互学习,照规矩付费是没问题的,中美都在彼此学习。“我们可以互惠互利,就我个人而言,我学习英文,因为我有一个美国的老师,我跟美国的朋友去学。” 翠西:何时中国才会停止跟世界银行借钱 接下来翠西再抛出一个辛辣问题,她指中国已然是全球第二大经济体,但何时才肯放下发展中国家身份,不再向世界银行借钱? 刘欣则回应:“我们也想壮大,不想被一直看扁成侏儒、贫穷国家,但视你如何定义发展中国家,中国有14亿人口,是美国的三倍,人均GDP还不到美国的六分之一,甚至还不如欧洲一些发达国家。”…

从医生、社运份子到民主党主席 淡马亚展望狮城民主前景

于去年9月接任民主党主席的淡马亚医生(Paul Tambyah),日前接受亚洲新闻台记者巴拉蒂专访,针对医疗课题、反对党和公民社会、人权等社会议题侃侃而谈,认为虽然眼前荆棘满途,但乐观看待狮城民主社会发展,深信一党独大终会迎来终结。 淡马亚医生是国立大学医学教授,也是国大医院传染病学部高级顾问。有着传染病学研究专业背景,引导他投入社会运动,参与新加坡爱之病行动小组(Action For AIDS),与其他社运份子一起,尝试减少对艾滋病的偏见和歧视。 他的政治觉醒也是从此过程而来。他发现,新加坡人只要对某事拥有强烈信念,据理力争足以影响政府决策。随后,淡马亚对社运更加投入,包括创办了人权倡议组织“尊严”“MARUAH”。 但他体认到,公民社会可以针对各种议题发声,但是操纵杆仍掌握在政府手上,要想作出有影响力的改变,“诚如前总理吴作栋所言,你必须参与政党政治。” 这是当前在我国情境下能做的,即使淡马亚不完全认同。他对比国外扮演更显著角色的社运份子,他们不阻碍且鼓励公民社会成长,甚至获得政府拨款,和政府相互拉锯,但却获得平等尊重。 公民社会“前进三步,退两步” 淡马亚形容,新加坡的社运是“进三步,又退两步”。例如“尊严”获注册为政治组织,但同时又受限无法与其他海外公民组织合作,也不能接受海外献金。 “尊严”原本为东盟人权框架服务,但是办活动邀请菲律宾的人权份子,就要申请准证,这是造成东盟人权机制运作困难的原因之一。 至于芳林公园演说者角落也有诸多限制,例如必须检查出席集会者的身份证,确保没有外籍人士干涉。…