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Clearing the Haze: Solutions at hand

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“Clearing the Haze” is a feature series by The Online Citizen that brings you into the core of the trans-boundary haze issue. Our reporting team joined volunteers from local haze monitoring group, PM. Haze, on one of their field trips into the heart of Indonesia earlier this year to find out more about the haze situation, what causes the fires, and what can be done about it.
By Terry Xu and Yasmeen Banu
The Online Citizen’s previous articles rehashed how the Indonesian government has enacted regulations to prevent companies from planting on peatland which has peat that is more than 3 metres deep. The government also controls how much land each companies could own.
Apart from these land-control measures, the government made it part of the deal for companies to run plantations, and to ensure that fire prevention measures are taken and any fire which takes place are swiftly dealt with by on-site fire fighters.
[vimeo id=”104693078″ align=”center”] In reality, we see that this is hardly the case, with factors like lax enforcement, vast land and limited manpower contributing to the problem. Whatever the government has been trying to prevent is still on-going because of the lack of will to make Multi-National Corporations (MNCs) accountable, and the lack of a consolidated concession map for the land.
The ASEAN Peatland Forests Project (APFP) seeks to demonstrate, implement and scale up the sustainable management and rehabilitation of peatland forests in Southeast Asia. This is done by strengthening institutional capacity and frameworks; reducing the rate of degradation on peatlands in Southeast Asia; demonstrating integrated management and rehabilitation of peatlands at target sites; and engaging the private sector and local communities in sustainable peatland management.
With the joint efforts from APFP and Badan Lingkungan Hidup (BLH), an environmental government agency, a pineapple plantation was used as a model project, with BLH only giving back the land to the villagers to maintain the harvest after the pineapple seeds are planted. However, uneasiness started settling in with the villagers when the intended project was left incomplete.
[vimeo id=”104694507″ align=”center”] While Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO) volunteers touted the good returns of the pineapple plantation, a drive around the villages shows how saturated the market is – pineapples were peddled at the front of every household. The supply for pineapple exceeds the demand for pineapple and it does not help that there is no pineapple processing plant for canned food or other derivatives of the plant. The villagers can only seek to sell their harvest along the side of the road.
Different solutions for different areas within Riau
In another part of the country, the villagers on another island are addressing the problem of cultivating crops on the waterlogged peatland in a different way. Their solution is to plant sago plants, which is naturally grown on such soil conditions. The villagers say that this is a plant that is far better than the oil palm in ecological terms as it does not need excessive drainage of the soil and also allows other vegetation to grow next to it.
The tall sago plant can be harvested by grounding its trunk into pulp and converting it to flour. The sago flour can be used to produce many other food varieties, such as noodles and crackers.
[vimeo id=”104959209″ align=”center”] The commercial potential for sago is limitless, but the issue of financial sustainability is still there. As the plants take 7 to 15 years to mature and the villagers only sell the sago pulp at raw material cost for merchants to further process, the returns are far from profitable.
Compared to the different approaches across Riau to make better use of peatland, Singapore offers Indonesia assistance in combating forest fires. The Ministry of the Environment and Water Resources offered an assistance package consisting an aircraft for cloud seeding operations, up to two aircrafts to ferry fire-fighting assistance teams from Singapore Civil Defence Force (SCDF), a team from SCDF to provide assessment and planning assistance to their Indonesian counterparts, and high-resolution satellite pictures and hotspot coordinates.
But each time such uncontrolled fires happens, it is only a painful reminder of the unsolved problem in Indonesia that affects its neighbouring countries. Over the years, Indonesia has fought for more enforcement and laws governing land concessions. Indonesia has also launched major campaigns by Greenpeace and signed a first-ever Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) with London to combat illegal logging, in an attempt to provide a solution to the  imminent problem.
The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) was also formed, albeit surrounded by controversy, and whose clashes with the police has brought about mass gatherings and vocal rallies by the people, as seen in the sensitive scenario of gecko versus crocodile.
Indonesia has also established a national Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD) agency and additionally imposed regulations to protect the remaining forests.
It has been decades since the haze shook ASEAN nations to action in 1997, and the solutions suggested thus far have been addressed and implemented extensively, but only to fall short soon after, or show very little positive long-term results.
Some of the Masyarakat Penduli Api (MPA) members, who are the community’s fire fighting team, often have disagreements with government agencies due to breakdown in communication and the government’s failure “to utilise water pumping machines” or do proper and adequate field work when asked by them. This does not stop the members from building canals and maintaining the harvest and condition of the plantations.
There are a number of programmes implemented by the MPA – for instance, activities to prepare villagers for the next wildfire. A number of other organisations also support them on these activities, such as providing water pumps and helping to construct wells.  However, the MPA’s activities are sorely lacking in sustainability.
“Our work is periodic in nature, and we only spring into action when there is a blaze,” said one community fire-fighter in Mumugo. “If we get enough donations, that is. At least the MPA cannot function self-sufficiently on the level of the ‘kepenghuluan’ because we lack the resources to fight fires on our own. Those are the limitations we face.”
Riko Kurniawan, the executive director of WALHI Riau discussed how permits are too easily given out in Indonesia, resulting in the current problem being more than just knee-deep.
“Let’s talk about the root problem,” Kurniawan said. “It’s the government’s regulation that peatland which is more than three metres deep should not be given permit, but the fact is many areas (already) have the permits. If we want to talk about illegal logging and corruption in the forest industry, this is the problem: It’s too easy to get the permit.”
With companies constantly using land for one-sided beneficial purposes such as draining of peatland to use for commercial farming, making it dry and more susceptible to fire, it is plausible to believe that trans-boundry pollution would only come to an end with the cessation of land concessions for developers to develop the peatland, the root of the haze.

TOC’s “Clearing the Haze” series includes:

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Reforming Singapore’s defamation laws: Preventing legal weapons against free speech

Opinion: The tragic suicide of Geno Ong, linked to the financial stress from a defamation lawsuit, raises a critical issue: Singapore’s defamation laws need reform. These laws must not be weaponized to silence individuals.

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by Alexandar Chia

This week, we hear the tragic story of the suicide of Geno Ong, with Ong citing the financial stress from the defamation lawsuit against her by Raymond Ng and Iris Koh.

Regardless of who’s right and who’s wrong, this Koh/Ng vs Ong affair raises a wider question at play – the issue of Singapore’s defamation laws and how it needs to be tightened.

Why is this needed? This is because defamation suits cannot be weaponised the way they have been in Singapore law. It cannot be used to threaten people into “shutting up”.

Article 14(2)(a) of the Constitution may permit laws to be passed to restrict free speech in the area of defamation, but it does not remove the fact that Article 14(1)(a) is still law, and it permits freedom of speech.

As such, although Article 14(2)(a) allows restrictions to be placed on freedom of speech with regard to the issue of defamation, it must not be to the extent where Article 14(1)(a)’s rights and liberties are not curtailed completely or heavily infringed on.

Sadly, that is the case with regard to precedence in defamation suits.

Let’s have a look at the defamation suit then-PM Goh Chok Tong filed against Dr Chee Soon Juan after GE 2001 for questions Dr Chee asked publicly about a $17 billion loan made to Suharto.

If we look at point 12 of the above link, in the “lawyer’s letter” sent to Dr Chee, Goh’s case of himself being defamed centred on lines Dr Chee used in his question, such as “you can run but you can’t hide”, and “did he not tell you about the $17 billion loan”?

In the West, such lines of questioning are easily understood at worse as hyperbolically figurative expressions with the gist of the meaning behind such questioning on why the loan to Suharto was made.

Unfortunately, Singapore’s defamation laws saw Dr Chee’s actions of imputing ill motives on Goh, when in the West, it is expected of incumbents to take the kind of questions Dr Chee asked, and such questions asked of incumbent office holders are not uncommon.

And the law permits pretty flimsy reasons such as “withdrawal of allegations” to be used as a deciding factor if a statement is defamatory or not – this is as per points 66-69 of the judgement.

This is not to imply or impute ill intent on Singapore courts. Rather, it shows how defamation laws in Singapore needs to be tightened, to ensure that a possible future scenario where it is weaponised as a “shut-up tool”, occurs.

These are how I suggest it is to be done –

  1. The law has to make mandatory, that for a case to go into a full lawsuit, there has to be a 3-round exchange of talking points and two attempts at legal mediation.
  2. Summary judgment should be banned from defamation suits, unless if one party fails to adduce evidence or a defence.
  3. A statement is to be proven false, hence, defamatory, if there is strictly material along with circumstantial evidence showing that the statement is false. Apologies and related should not be used as main determinants, given how many of these statements are made in the heat of the moment, from the natural feelings of threat and intimidation from a defamation suit.
  4. A question should only be considered defamatory if it has been repeated, after material facts of evidence are produced showing, beyond reasonable doubt, that the message behind the question, is “not so”, and if there is a directly mentioned subject in the question. For example, if an Opposition MP, Mr A, was found to be poisoned with a banned substance, and I ask openly on how Mr A got access to that substance, given that its banned, I can’t be found to have “defamed the government” with the question as 1) the government was not mentioned directly and 2) if the government has not produced material evidence that they indeed had no role in the poisoning affair, if they were directly mentioned.
  5. Damages should be tiered, with these tiers coded into the Defamation Act – the highest quantum of damages (i.e. those of a six-figured nature) is only to be reserved if the subject of defamation lost any form of office, revenue or position, or directly quantifiable public standing, or was subjected to criminal action, because of the act of defamation. If none of such occur, the maximum amount of damages a plaintiff in a defamation can claim is a 4-figure amount capped at $2000. This will prevent rich and powerful figures from using defamation suits and 6-figure damages to intimidate their questioners and detractors.
  6. All defendants of defamation suit should be allowed full access to legal aid schemes.

Again, this piece does not suggest bad-faith malpractice by the courts in Singapore. Rather, it is to suggest how to tighten up defamation laws to avoid it being used as the silencing hatchet.

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Man arrested for alleged housebreaking and theft of mobile phones in Yishun

A 23-year-old man was arrested for allegedly breaking into a Yishun Ring Road rental flat and stealing eight mobile phones worth S$3,400 from five tenants. The Singapore Police responded swiftly on 1 September, identifying and apprehending the suspect on the same day. The man has been charged with housebreaking, which carries a potential 10-year jail term.

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SINGAPORE: A 23-year-old man has been arrested for allegedly breaking into a rental flat along Yishun Ring Road and stealing eight mobile phones from five tenants.

The incident occurred in the early hours on Sunday (1 September), according to a statement from the Singapore Police Force.

The authorities reported that they received a call for assistance at around 5 a.m. on that day.

Officers from the Woodlands Police Division quickly responded and, through ground enquiries and police camera footage, were able to identify and apprehend the suspect on the same day.

The stolen mobile phones, with an estimated total value of approximately S$3,400, were recovered hidden under a nearby bin.

The suspect was charged in court on Monday with housebreaking with the intent to commit theft.

If convicted, he could face a jail term of up to 10 years and a fine.

In light of this incident, the police have advised property owners to take precautions to prevent similar crimes.

They recommend securing all doors, windows, and other openings with good quality grilles and padlocks when leaving premises unattended, even for short periods.

The installation of burglar alarms, motion sensor lights, and CCTV cameras to cover access points is also advised. Additionally, residents are urged to avoid keeping large sums of cash and valuables in their homes.

The investigation is ongoing.

Last month, police disclosed that a recent uptick in housebreaking incidents in private residential estates across Singapore has been traced to foreign syndicates, primarily involving Chinese nationals.

Preliminary investigations indicate that these syndicates operate in small groups, targeting homes by scaling perimeter walls or fences.

The suspects are believed to be transient travelers who enter Singapore on Social Visit Passes, typically just a day or two before committing the crimes.

Before this recent surge in break-ins, housebreaking cases were on the decline, with 59 reported in the first half of this year compared to 70 during the same period last year.

However, between 1 June and 4 August 2024, there were 10 reported housebreaking incidents, predominantly in private estates around the Rail Corridor and Bukit Timah Road.

The SPF has intensified efforts to engage residents near high-risk areas by distributing crime prevention advisories, erecting alert signs, and training them to patrol their neighborhoods, leading to an increase in reports of suspicious activity.

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