The following letter was sent in November last year to President S R Nathan to plead for clemency for Yong Vui Kong.


Your Excellency,

Clemency for Yong Vui Kong

In 2005, the Rotary Club of Sandakan, Sabah, launched an Education Care Programme in Sandakan. Its report stated:

Sandakan: You do not have to look to other countries to find the poor and the unfortunate. Dig a little deeper into our backyard and you will find hordes of unfortunate children who are victims of circumstances. The Rotary Club of Sandakan has found such children scattered around Sandakan, and who live as far as mile 30. They were born poor. Four children were found living in a small wooden shed by themselves under the care of relatives. They have no choice but to do adult chores like washing clothes, ironing, cleaning, etc with their small bare hands. Fortunately, food is still available. Others are not so lucky. The everyday menu often only comprises steamed rice, topped with Maggie noodle to taste. On good days, they will be served the occasional fish, which is often only sufficient for a cat’s tummy. Going to school is no luxury. Two siblings, one is twelve years old and another, in Standard One, have to wake up at four every morning and walk to the bus station by 5.00 am to catch the public bus to school.  The journey to school takes an hour. These children are not orphans but owing to their family’s financial constraints and more often chaotic parent relationship, they have been neglected and deprived.

Source: Source: deathpenaltynews.blogspot.com

This was the world that Yong Vui Kong was born into in 1988. He was a child eager for education; eager to escape the privations that his unfortunate history had thrown upon him. At ten years of age he could no longer continue his education. His father had left the home and his mother became sickly.

Initially, he became a kitchen help. But he fell into bad company. His so called “Big Brother” used him as a runner to collect bad debts. From collecting, he was slowly tasked to deliver “gifts”, some of which were colourfully wrapped and which Vui Kong would carry as an instruction from his “boss”. This young boy obeyed the instructions of his “Big Brother”.

In June 2007, still a boy at nineteen, he was convicted under the Misuse of Drugs Act for the 47.25 grams of heroin he had in his possession. Vui Kong had fallen into the hands of a drug trafficking syndicate. There were discrepancies in his case. He initially said he stood to receive $2000 for delivering the package but later alleged he lied. The testimony of his co-accused was damning.

His lawyer tells us he has been reformed while in detention awaiting his sentence. He now counsels other inmates. He is clear that he did what he did to help his mother make ends meet. To afford fish on more than just the good days. Undoubtedly, Sir, he is guilty. Our laws are very clear to those who can read the warnings on our immigration forms and displayed clearly at our immigration checkpoints. Singapore has never prevaricated about the penalties for drug trafficking. But perhaps Vui Kong never read those signs or heeded the warnings. Perhaps he could not read the languages they were written in. Perhaps, like many children, many poor people, or many illiterate people, he never paid any attention to officialdom. For reasons good or bad, clear and unclear, honest or dishonest, Vui Kong committed a crime that carries the highest penalty in our courts. Due to his youth, trial judge, Justice Choo Han Teck, asked the prosecution to consider reducing the charge against him but this was refused. Vui Kong was nineteen when he heard the death sentence passed against him.

All human beings desire to live the good life. Including Vui Kong. Growing up as he did in that poverty-stricken shantytown in Sandakan, he also dreamed of working hard, earning money and keeping his mother in comfort. Sadly, to many, the opportunities available to do so never come. Some of us slog all our lives at back-breaking jobs to make ends meet. To some of us never come the opportunities to break out, to break free. But we try. As hard as we might we try to relieve ourselves and our families of suffering. And perhaps Vui Kong was one of those.

There is no doubt that he is guilty under the Misuse of Drugs Act, though whether he knew what he was actually doing, whether he was in full control of his faculties to resist, whether he was mature enough to think through the implications, confident enough to say no to his Big Brother, brave enough to believe there was another way, a legal way, a safe way, to carry his mother, his brothers, his sister out of their grinding poverty, we cannot know. The poverty that means you only have instant noodles to savour the steamed rice. The poverty that means you stop school so that you can do the family chores. The poverty that results in childhood neglect and a bleakness that deadens the human spirit and creates in it a desperation to survive, to find happiness anywhere, to find comfort. Ultimately, who knows whether Vui Kong knew what he was doing and decided to take a chance? Who knows if his poverty was enough to put himself beyond caution? Who knows if he was blinded to the promise of riches, even if a meagre two thousand dollars?

I am fortunate enough never to have been tempted by the lure of easy riches. I never had to walk miles to school but only to the end of the driveway to be picked up by a school bus. I never had to do my own chores as a toddler because there was a domestic worker to do so. I always had more than Maggie noodles to enliven my rice. But Vui Kong didn’t. Living in a shantytown, his mother eking out an existence close to the very threshold of human misery, who knows what desperation prompted him to do what he did, if indeed he knew what it was he was doing? Who indeed. But our mandatory death penalty takes the just and careful consideration of these matters out of the hands of our judges. Our law says that where you are convicted of a crime for which the penalty is mandatory execution, the judge is not entitled to look at the convicted person as a human being, with faults and failing that occasion crime but also strengths and goodness that can give rise to reformation, to rehabilitation.

Vui Kong is 22 years old. He has a lifetime of remorse ahead of him. We all know the salutary effect that regret can have on an individual. We all know how people can change, especially young people. Especially young people who have felt the heavy hand of the law upon them. So many of our drug rehabilitation centres which add so much value in curing drug addicts were started by former drug users. So much could be done for others by this young man who now knows how a chance mistake, a flash in his otherwise depressing life, could lead to the deepest, darkest nightmare. So much that Your Excellency can facilitate by exercising the powers constitutionally vested solely in your hands to be merciful to Vui Kong.

Because, with the testimony of a Vui Kong, I invite Your Excellency to think of the many countless similar young souls who could be saved from the detestable drug syndicates which prey upon our young poor with the promise of a quick buck. I invite Your Excellency to remember the privations of the early years of your late predecessor, President Wee Kin Wee, and how easy it might have been for President Wee to have found himself in Vui Kong’s shoes.

We live, Sir, in a very different world to the one in which the death penalty may once have been relevant. Or even effective. Time has had a most salutary effect on how we think about criminal behaviour, of punishment, rehabilitation and retribution. On 10 December 1948, the United Nations signed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the fifth Article of which says:

No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

During the Ministers of Asian States Meeting in 1993 in the lead up to the World Conference on Human Rights, Asian governments reaffirmed their commitment to the principles of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. They stated their view of the interdependence and indivisibility of human rights and stressed the need for universality, objectivity and non-selectivity of human rights. The ASEAN Charter, signed in 2007, point our nations, at Article 1.1, to the commitment to:

…promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms, with due regard to the rights and responsibilities of the Member States of ASEAN;

One hundred and thirty-nine countries of our global family have abolished the death penalty. It is no longer found to work. It is an unhappy throwback to a much older yesteryear. There is no clear evidence that it is effective: of this point international organisations and many governments are convinced. And the UN Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions stated in his 2005 report that the:

…mandatory death penalty, which precludes the possibility of a lesser sentence being imposed regardless of the circumstances, is inconsistent with the prohibition of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

Close as we are to the Golden Triangle and to the drug fields and drug barons of Myanmar, Singapore is in an especially vulnerable position to prevent drugs reaching our shores. But the evidence is now clear: the death penalty – and indeed the mandatory death penalty – does not contribute to the fight to do so.

Your Excellency, the law in Singapore is by no means absolute on this point. It allows that persons under the age of eighteen at the time of the offence and pregnant women may not be sentenced to death. Commutations of death sentences have occurred in our history, with the last being handed down from the hand of your predecessor, President Ong Teng Cheong, as recently as 1998.

Sir, for every Vui Kong that is killed in our name the drug barons will find another ten desperate, despairing teenagers. To kill Vui Kong is not to solve a problem. But to save his life will lift the enlightened tone of our judicial system deep into the ranks of the civilised nations of our world. At this late stage in your distinguished career, you have an opportunity to carry out a profoundly significant executive action whose repercussions will reverberate far beyond our tiny shores. You have the chance to firmly entrench your name in the hearts of every Singaporean who knows instinctively, as I fully believe you do, that the mandatory death penalty is as dismal as it is ineffectual. You have the ability to make Singaporeans truly proud to be Singaporeans, to lead in the field of compassion and mercy. You have the chance to say, on behalf of all Singaporeans, that we believe in the dignity and nobility of human beings, in the ability to be redeemed, to change for the better. And you would have saved a boy from dying.

Sir, in August last year, together with eighty or so fellow Singaporeans, I attended a gathering at Hong Lim Park to call upon Your Excellency to spare the life of this boy. The strength of feeling against the death penalty, the commitment to doing away with it was strong. Vui Kong’s brothers attended the gathering and his lawyer spoke movingly of his life then and now. Sir, I am a social worker, as you are. The very taproot of our profession is the belief that people can chance for the better and improve their lives as well as the lives of others. We believe in this potential springing from the wellspring of humanity. I know that Vui Kong can change for the better. I truly believe you do too. As a social worker who has ascended to the highest office in our land, you have a singular opportunity to express the values that have motivated our profession for as long as human beings have extended a helping hand to one another.

I do not know Vui Kong personally. Neither does Your Excellency. But I invite you to do what you know in your heart to be right. I invite you, on behalf of all your fellow Singaporeans, to exercise the power that should return solely to your hand, to save a young life. Do not, in our name, condemn this boy, Yong Vui Kong, to be killed.

May I thank you for your time in reading this letter.

I remain,

Yours sincerely,

V Wijeysingha

 

*Note: The author understands from yesterday’s Court of Appeal verdict that the President does not possess the power of clemency.

 

Subscribe
Notify of
0 Comments
Inline Feedbacks
View all comments
You May Also Like

号称第一世界国家 林鼎:疫情曝露教育改革迟缓

人民之声领袖林鼎律师认为,人民行动党政府谈论教育改革,但实则表现显得迟缓,新加坡尽管被誉为第一世界国家,却没能尽早为所有中学生配备学习设备,而是要等到2024年才能完成。而疫情期间的居家学习技术和机制也显现落伍的现象。 人民之声26日首次举办线上直播,林鼎也回答了公众提问。 2020年让所有中学生获全面的学习设备 有观众询及人民之声是否会针对教育系统进行改革,林鼎解释如今时代已改变,新加坡正处于“知识时代”,教育系统应该反而以促进批判性思维为重点。 林鼎称,人民行动党常以本地人“技能与工作内容不匹配”为由,借而合理化聘雇外籍专才,这反而显示新加坡教育制度之缺失。对此,他也对原教育部长王乙康的能力提出质疑。 “人民行动党经常谈论教育改革,但看看他们的表现到底有多慢!他们甚至无法取消小学离校考试(PSLE),在过去几个月中,我们(人民之声)也曾多次质问在冠病19期间,居家学习(home-based learning)却显得落伍。 教育部曾承诺将在2024年让所有中学生能够享有齐全的学习设备。 “王乙康表示,直至2024年,每位中学生将会获得一台笔记本电脑、一台学习设备。前几天,我从尚曼达得知,他们现在必须将它挪到明年才开始。所以你是说,在2020年,身为世界第一国的新加坡,就不能为学生配备学习设备和进行居家学习吗?” 将角逐裕廊集选区 此外,林鼎也透露将会角逐裕廊集选区。他也指出,人民之声正与其他在野党商讨策略,已确保在野党能够在投票日当天取得成功。 针对观众提问是否会与其他政党联盟,林鼎坦言将会与其他在野党有合作的机会,而他支持国会以多党制进行,补充说,多党制能够迫使各党派共同努力,想出最佳的解决方案。

过去五年 四成上班族曾遭性骚扰!仅30%受害者举报

调查发现,每五名受访者中,就有两人曾在过去五年内遭受到职场性骚扰!然而,愿意举报者仅30%,情况令人忧心。 本地妇女行动及研究协会(AWARE),偕同国际调查机构益普索(Ipsos)于去年11月,向1千名本地公民和永久居民展开调查,亦是本地首个探讨职场性骚扰的全国调查。 调查发现,多达四成上班族在过去五年,曾在职场遭受性骚扰,但只有30%受害者会正式举报。 值得关注的是,受访者对于职场性骚扰的界定不清楚,其中包括收到含有性别歧视或色情意味的图像、笑话或文字;发表针对受害者样貌、身材或性行为冒犯性言论,以及不必要的肢体接触等。 而在意识到自己是受害者的人当中,有一半人最初并不认为自己曾是受害者,直到调查人员描述了特定的性骚扰情形,他们才恍然大悟。 仅三成受害者会举报 至于是否会举报性骚扰行为,仅三成的受访者表示,会向公司通报职场性骚扰,而选择不通报的受访者,则因各种理由拒绝,如希望淡忘事件、认为遭受的职场性骚扰不算严重,以及缺乏证据。 有五分之二的举报案件,加害者最终被调职或解雇;但在五分之一的案件中,尽管有骚扰的证据,但加害者没有遭受任何处罚。 AWARE倡导与研究主管莎莉·辛戈兰(Shailey Hingorani)指出,该调查凸显了本地职场性骚扰普遍且急需处理的问题。 尽管我国在处理性暴力优于其他国家,但在处理职场性骚扰上,却似乎落后于其他专门立法的国家,辛戈兰表示。 建议立法禁职场骚扰…

东盟议员人权组织 敦促狮城政府修正《防假消息法》

东盟国会议员支持人权组织(APHR)认为,新加坡政府欲在国会通过的《防止网络假消息与网络操纵》草案,已经赋予当权者广泛权力遏制评论,已威胁人民的言论自由,故呼吁我国国会议员,在二读辩论时敦促修正上述草案内容,使之符合国际人权准则。 我国国会在本周一至三(5月6日至8日)召开,其中也会二读辩论防假消息法。APHR认为,法案目的虽旨在打击网络造谣信息,以保障社会公共利益,不过有关草案条文也无疑赋予政府过于广泛的权力。 APHR是旨在维护政治自由与促进民主与人权自由的非营利组织团体。 “若《防假消息法》以目前的条文通过二读,将会对新加坡的言论自由带来严重的威胁” APHR在声明中如是强调说道。 “政府有过多的权力介入与管控假消息,而草案中用词定义含糊,易使政府滥用法案。“APHR组织主席查尔斯.圣地牙哥这么指出。 该组织呼吁新加坡国会议员需在国会中,以国际人权标准针对《防假消息法》的内容作出修正。 查尔斯.圣地牙哥目前除了是APHR主席,同时也是马来西亚雪兰莪州巴生区国会议员。 “该法案当中的美中不足的地方,在于并未达到言论自由的国际标准。从法案的内容中可见,当权者再次试图以立法来遏止网络评论。” 查尔斯指出。 实施“恶法”管控言论自由有先例 国内外多个人权组织,包括国际法律家委員會(International…

World Economic Forum in Singapore cancelled due to uncertainties caused by COVID pandemic

The World Economic Forum’s (WEF) Special Annual Meeting in Singapore has been…