Connect with us

Commentaries

Given enough rope

Published

on

The following is an article posted on May 01, 2011 by South China Morning Post.

Liz Gooch
The trial and conviction of Alan Shadrake, author of a book that questions the way Singapore deploys the death penalty, has done nothing for the Lion City’s reputation

Mr Alan Shadrake and his lawyer M Ravi (behind) (credit: Reuters)

Alan Shadrake’s first attempt to talk to a state-sanctioned killer turned out to be a disappointment. Over beers in a Manchester pub, the British journalist tried to convince Harry Allen, Britain’s last hangman, to shed light on the murky world of life on the gallows.

However, the executioner-turned-publican always stubbornly but politely declined to talk about his career as a hangman, refusing to break the oath he had made to remain silent about how the convicted were sent to their deaths.

Decades later and half a world away, it was with a sense of trepidation that Shadrake rang the door bell of a 10th-floor apartment. It was the home, he hoped, of the chief hangman in
Singapore, where the death penalty is still imposed for murder and the trafficking of drugs in specific amounts. Shadrake was about to discover whether he would get the exclusive interview he had long yearned for, or whether his search for an intimate insight into life
on the gallows would come to an abrupt end with a door slammed in his face.

Slowly, the door opened to reveal a pair of shining eyes.

“Yes,” the man said, he was Darshan Singh.

What followed was the first of many conversations about the men and women Singh hanged on behalf of Singapore, each interview delivering another anecdote from a life devoted to death.

On that October day in 2005, Shadrake not only gained entry to Singh’s apartment and his vivid recollections from almost 50 years of dropping people to their deaths, he also set off on a path that would lead to a first-hand experience of Singapore’s justice system. Shadrake, a 76-year-old great-grandfather who suffers from heart problems, will soon discover whether he will spend six weeks in prison and be required to pay a S$20,000 (HK$125,000) fine.

In a decision condemned by free-speech advocates, Shadrake was found guilty of contempt of court last November, for alleging that Singapore’s judiciary is neither impartial nor independent in applying the death penalty. In his book Once a Jolly Hangman, which is based on his interviews with Singh and investigations into a number of capital-punishment cases, Shadrake argues that political and economic factors influence how courts apply the death penalty in the Lion City.

Now awaiting the outcome of his appeal, he remains defiant, declaring that he is ready to serve time behind bars in defence of his book.

With its tropical humidity, litter-free streets and high-rises, the modern metropolis of Singapore is a long way from Gallows Corner in Essex, where British authorities carried out public hangings in the 18th century. Shadrake’s childhood home was just a few miles from this notorious site but it was a former British colony, rather than his home country, that would offer up to him a man who hanged people for a living.

Having left school at 15 to become a messenger boy at a London newspaper, Shadrake, the son of a truck driver and a music teacher, has spent most of his career working as a freelance journalist, first in Britain, then in Germany and the United States.

Ironically, Shadrake’s initial introduction to Singapore came courtesy of the government that is now seeking to put him behind bars. In 2002, on a trip sponsored by the Singapore Tourism Board, he travelled to the city from his home in Las Vegas to write a travel story for a US magazine. He recalls he was wined and dined at some of the city’s best restaurants, at the government’s expense.

By the time he returned to Singapore the following year, a young Australian man, Nguyen Tuong Van, had been charged with trafficking almost 400 grams of heroin into the city from Cambodia. In Singapore, the death penalty is mandatory for anyone found guilty of trafficking 15 grams or more of heroin.

Shadrake began reporting on the case and his interest in the men who carry out the death penalty was soon rekindled.

He came across the name Darshan Singh in a 1995 newspaper report. The article made only fleeting reference to the man who would later tell Shadrake that he had probably hanged about 1,000 people between 1959 and 2006.

After a lawyer confirmed that he had the correct name, Shadrake says he did “the obvious thing” and opened the telephone directory. Twelve Darshan Singhs were listed. He took a stab and picked his lucky number, seven, which happened to correspond to the Darshan Singh at the closest address to where he was staying. His lucky number delivered more than he could have expected.

“I think Darshan really wanted to be recognised,” Shadrake says. “So, when I came along and knocked on his door to interview him about the Nguyen case, he was so happy that I wanted to talk to him. And that’s how it began.”

The stories Singh shared over the course of eight meetings helped Shadrake piece together the final moments of those condemned to die on the gallows. The hangings would always take place at dawn on a Friday morning, Shadrake writes in his book. Before leading the prisoner to the gallows, Singh would explain the process “as kindly as possible. He promises they will feel no pain, that he is an expert with many years experience”.

Singh would then handcuff the condemned’s arms behind their back and lead them to the gallows, where their legs would be strapped together, to prevent them from struggling. His last words to the prisoner, he told Shadrake, were always: “I am sending you to a better place than this.”

Singh told him he once wrote to Guinness World Records asking to be listed as the world’s most prolific executioner. His highest tally, he said, was 18 men in a day.

Singh’s revelations prompted Shadrake to dig deeper into specific cases. He scanned the internet for information, trawled court records and met with lawyers, undercover police officers and families of those who had been hanged.

In an interview in his lawyer’s office, he says it was shocking to see the effects of capital punishment on the families left behind.

“They don’t just hang the person, they hang the whole family,” he says.

What Shadrake discovered through his investigations led him to allege that “politics, international trade and business often determine who lives and dies on the gallows”. His book asserts that people at the bottom of the drug-trade chain – usually poor, young mules – are more likely to receive the death sentence than the wealthy and people from countries with which Singapore has sensitive diplomatic relations.


Shadrake’s book, which began as the memoirs of a hangman, morphed into an investigation of the system. Once A Jolly Hangman was first released in Malaysia, where Shadrake was living, last June. It was already available in some Singaporean bookshops when he returned to the city for the launch, on July 17.

The Saturday night book launch went smoothly and Shadrake went out afterwards, to celebrate with friends, first at a dim sum restaurant and then a karaoke bar. He went to bed at about 2.30am but there was to be no Sunday morning lie-in. At 6.30am, he says, he awoke to police banging on the door.

“I opened the door very, very slowly and they burst in like bloody commandos. Four of them to arrest little me … like I was a terrorist or something.”

The police ordered him to get dressed and took him to the Criminal Investigation Department building. There, he says, he slept on the floor, without a blanket or pillow, in between long sessions of questioning. He was released on S$10,000 bail just before midnight on the Monday, without his passport.

In his verdict, the judge found that Shadrake’s claims were made against a “selective background of truths and half-truths and sometimes outright falsehoods”. Although Shadrake admits to a couple of inaccuracies – “very minor stuff” – which, he says, he has
corrected for the new edition, he stands by the book and has refused to apologise.

In statements released after Shadrake’s sentencing in November, Reporters Without Borders (RWB) said it “deplores the decision to jail a man who is 76 and unwell, and whose only crime was to exercise his critical powers”, while John Kampfer, chief executive of Index on Censorship, described the case as “another example of Singapore’s very poor record on free expression”.

Jeremy Browne, minister of state at Britain’s Foreign Office, also weighed into the case, stating he was “dismayed” that Shadrake had been sentenced to six weeks’ jail “for expressing his personal views on the legal system”.

Shadrake says he knew his book was likely to cause a few ripples but he thought he would be merely barred from Singapore, not arrested.

M. Ravi, Shadrake’s lawyer and a leading human rights advocate who has represented a number of people facing the death penalty, says the sentence is among the toughest ever meted out by a Singaporean court for contempt.

“To me, it’s extremely harsh,” says Ravi, who argued during the trial that his client’s book amounted to “fair criticism”. Although he expects Shadrake’s appeal will be denied, Ravi says the authorities have shot themselves in the foot by convicting the author.

“They popularised this,” Ravi says. “The client became magnified as a result of their own prosecution against him.”

The book has not been banned in Singapore but has been withdrawn from bookshops.

Media freedom organisations, such as RWB, say there has been a number of cases in recent years where the government has taken legal action against media organisations, journalists and bloggers. In 2008, The Wall Street Journal Asia was found to be in contempt of court and fined S$25,000 for publishing two editorials and a letter by an opposition leader questioning the country’s judicial system. The same year, lawyer Gopalan Nair was sentenced to three months in prison for insulting a judge on his blog.

In the listing for last year, Singapore dropped four places on RWB’s Press Freedom Index, down to 137 out of the 178 countries ranked according to the degree of freedom afforded to journalists. This places Singapore behind countries such as Zimbabwe, Algeria and Qatar.

“No one should be convicted of a crime simply because he or she wrote a book that speaks out against a political ideology that the Singaporean government, or any government, doesn’t agree with,” says Heather Blake, RWB’s British representative. “The mentality is that
they provide a very safe, clean country in which to live but with that comes all of the oppression.”

Commentators say a culture of self-censorship has developed among local mainstream publications, prompting more Singaporeans to turn to the internet for information and to voice their opinions. Sinapan Samydorai, director of Think Centre, a Singapore-based civil
society-focused group, says Singaporeans are increasingly aware of the international trend towards abolishing the death penalty.

“Shadrake is inspiring young people,” he says. “I think that is what they don’t want but, with the internet and in a globalised world, it’s difficult for them.”

Dissatisfaction with the mainstream media led Andrew Loh and three friends to establish the website The Online Citizen, in 2006. Loh, the site’s editor-in-chief, says the website provides a forum for discussion of political and social issues.

“We just wanted to express ourselves,” he says.

Loh says the site’s online readership has increased in recent years, as more people go online to get “the other side of the story”.

The website, which is run by volunteers, has not escaped the glare of the authorities. Loh says it was gazetted as a political association in January, meaning it must adhere to certain regulations such as not accepting foreign funding.

“I see that as some sort of an attempt to force us to either close down or to self-censor,” he says.

Although he believes the mainstream media has devoted more coverage than usual to opposition parties in the lead-up to Saturday’s election, Loh maintains that censorship has increased.

“I don’t think space for freedom of expression has been enlarged.” he says. “I think it has been curtailed in recent years.”

The Singapore Ministry of Law disagrees.

“There are 5,500 publications, foreign newspapers and magazines in free circulation in Singapore, with nearly 200 correspondents from 72 foreign media organisations based [here],” according to a statement issued by the ministry. “They are free to report on all issues; the government does not dictate … what they can or cannot report. However, media freedom in a healthy democracy cannot mean we should allow and tolerate lies, smears and scurrilous allegations. [When] this has happened, the media and reporters responsible have been sued for civil defamation.”

Shadrake, who was convicted of contempt of court, is “assisting the police with investigations relating to criminal defamation”, says the ministry.

As for publicising executions, the statement says, “All capital sentences are passed in open court and the number of death sentences meted has always been public information … the media regularly reports on death penalty cases.”

However, anti-death-penalty campaigners claim that is an inexact measure and they have been unable to access government statistics on the number of sentences imposed or executions carried out. Amnesty International’s Death Sentences and Executions 2010 report found that, based on media stories, at least eight death sentences were handed
down last year.

“We believe that the number is considerably higher,” says Donna Guest, the organisation’s Asia-Pacific deputy director.

Worldwide, there has been a growing trend to abolish the death penalty, but, says Guest, most countries in Southeast Asia, including Malaysia, Thailand, Vietnam, Myanmar and Laos, are bucking that trend. According to Amnesty, the Asia-Pacific region accounts for more executions than any of the other geographical areas it splits the world into, with the mainland estimated to be the world leader in capital punishment.

Samydorai says the People’s Action Party (PAP), which has ruled Singapore continuously since 1959, maintains that the death penalty is effective for potential criminals “who may not be deterred by the thought of mere imprisonment”.

“They see it more as a criminal issue, rather than from a human rights perspective,” he says. “The PAP government makes no apology for its tough law and order system.”

Guest says there is no evidence to suggest capital punishment acts as a deterrent.

“It’s the ultimate cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment,” she says.

Shadrake believes it is only a matter of time before he will be behind bars – the outcome of his appeal may even have been announced as you read this. He says he will refuse to pay the fine, if it is demanded, even though that will result in an additional two weeks in prison.

Shadrake, who has received funding from supporters and human rights organisations to help cover his legal and medical bills, says he does not want to go to jail, but one can’t help thinking that a stint behind bars would provide rich material for the book he is planning to
write about his trial – not to mention the publicity it would generate.

“If they want to put me in jail for this, then that’s their problem and that will come back to hurt them. I’m a very popular guy,” he says with a laugh. “I’ve got the whole world behind me.”

Shadrake admits his trial has helped promote his book. A new edition will be released in Australia today and in Britain next month. It is also available online.

“If they had just ignored it, no one would have given it a second thought,” he says. “I was nobody, now I’m somebody. And it is ridiculous because I don’t like this role … I’m a reporter, I’m not an object of reporters.”

Regardless of the outcome of his appeal, Shadrake plans to keep up his campaign against the death penalty. He believes at least 36 people are on death row in Singapore, based on his discussions with lawyers involved in such cases.

The Ministry of Law would “not comment on such speculation”.

On the day of this interview, The Straits Times newspaper reported that a 27-year-old Malaysian man had been sentenced to death after being convicted of trafficking 19.35 grams of heroin. With Singh in retirement, it will be up to someone else to hang him.

“He didn’t really think he was doing any wrong,” says Shadrake of Singh, who is now in his late 70s. “He thought these people had committed serious crimes and they deserved to be punished this way – and he was the man to do it.”

———

The response by S’pore General Consul in Hong Kong after the article:

Letter from Ker Sin Tze, Singapore Consul General in Hong Kong, SCMP, May 15, 2011

Liz Gooch’s article in Postmagazine (“Given enough rope”, May 1), makes inaccurate assertions.

Alan Shadrake was not prosecuted for writing on the death penalty or about any political ideology. He was charged with contempt of court because he had alleged, among other things, that the Singapore courts were not independent and had conspired with state agencies to suppress material evidence in cases. Such a statement would be considered to be in contempt of court in many countries.

Mr Shadrake’s characterisation of the inaccuracies in his book as “very minor stuff” is totally misleading.

It is also incorrect for The Online Citizen (TOC) to claim that the gazetting of TOC as a political association was an attempt to force them to either close down or self-censor. The gazetting simply means that TOC cannot accept foreign funding. It does not hinder TOC’s existing activities, nor impede its freedom of expression in any way. A few other groups have been previously gazetted and they are still operating and freely commenting on issues of interest to them.

The article chose to repeat groundless allegations by anti-death-penalty campaigners that they were unable to access government statistics on capital punishment.

Statistics on capital punishment are published in the Singapore Prison Service’s annual report and copies of this can be found in Singapore’s National Library. The press reports freely on capital offence cases.

The article also highlights Singapore’s ranking in Reporters Without Borders’ Press Freedom Index. Reporters Without Borders’ poll is based purely on the personal opinions of a random sample of respondents in each country, with no logical basis for comparison of scores.

Arbitrary weightings are assigned to various component questions in the survey. The organisation’s survey methodology is clearly questionable.

 

Continue Reading
Click to comment
Subscribe
Notify of
0 Comments
Newest
Oldest Most Voted
Inline Feedbacks
View all comments

Commentaries

Lim Tean criticizes Govt’s rejection of basic income report, urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices

Lim Tean, leader of Peoples Voice (PV), criticizes the government’s defensive response to the basic living income report, accusing it of avoiding reality.

He calls on citizens to assess affordability and choose MPs who can truly enhance their lives in the upcoming election.

Published

on

SINGAPORE: A recently published report, “Minimum Income Standard 2023: Household Budgets in a Time of Rising Costs,” unveils figures detailing the necessary income households require to maintain a basic standard of living, using the Minimum Income Standard (MIS) method.

The newly released study, spearheaded by Dr Ng Kok Hoe of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy (LKYSPP) specifically focuses on working-age households in 2021 and presents the latest MIS budgets, adjusted for inflation from 2020 to 2022.

The report detailed that:

  • The “reasonable starting point” for a living wage in Singapore was S$2,906 a month.
  • A single parent with a child aged two to six required S$3,218 per month.
  • Partnered parents with two children, one aged between seven and 12 and the other between 13 and 18, required S$6,426 a month.
  • A single elderly individual required S$1,421 a month.
  • Budgets for both single and partnered parent households averaged around S$1,600 per member. Given recent price inflation, these figures have risen by up to 5% in the current report.

Singapore Govt challenges MIS 2023 report’s representation of basic needs

Regrettably, on Thursday (14 Sept), the Finance Ministry (MOF), Manpower Ministry (MOM), and Ministry of Social and Family Development (MSF) jointly issued a statement dismissing the idea suggested by the report, claiming that minimum household income requirements amid inflation “might not accurately reflect basic needs”.

Instead, they claimed that findings should be seen as “what individuals would like to have.”, and further defended their stances for the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) and other measures to uplift lower-wage workers.

The government argued that “a universal wage floor is not necessarily the best way” to ensure decent wages for lower-wage workers.

The government’s statement also questions the methodology of the Minimum Income Standards (MIS) report, highlighting limitations such as its reliance on respondent profiles and group dynamics.

“The MIS approach used is highly dependent on respondent profiles and on group dynamics. As the focus groups included higher-income participants, the conclusions may not be an accurate reflection of basic needs.”

The joint statement claimed that the MIS approach included discretionary expenditure items such as jewellery, perfumes, and overseas holidays.

Lim Tean slams Government’s response to basic living income report

In response to the government’s defensive reaction to the recent basic living income report, Lim Tean, leader of the alternative party Peoples Voice (PV), strongly criticizes the government’s apparent reluctance to confront reality, stating, “It has its head buried in the sand”.

He strongly questioned the government’s endorsement of the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) as a means to uplift the living standards of the less fortunate in Singapore, describing it as a misguided approach.

In a Facebook video on Friday (15 Sept), Lim Tean highlighted that it has become a global norm, especially in advanced and first-world countries, to establish a minimum wage, commonly referred to as a living wage.

“Everyone is entitled to a living wage, to have a decent life, It is no use boasting that you are one of the richest countries in the world that you have massive reserves, if your citizens cannot have a decent life with a decent living wage.”

Lim Tean cited his colleague, Leong Sze Hian’s calculations, which revealed a staggering 765,800 individuals in Singapore, including Permanent Residents and citizens, may not earn the recommended living wage of $2,906, as advised by the MIS report.

“If you take away the migrant workers or the foreign workers, and take away those who do not work, underage, are children you know are unemployed, and the figure is staggering, isn’t it?”

“You know you are looking at a very substantial percentage of the workforce that do not have sufficient income to meet basic needs, according to this report.”

He reiterated that the opposition parties, including the People’s Voice and the People’s Alliance, have always called for a minimum wage, a living wage which the government refuses to countenance.

Scepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs

In a time of persistently high inflation, Lim Tean expressed skepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs.

He cautioned against believing in predictions of imminent inflation reduction and lower interest rates below 2%, labeling them as unrealistic.

Lim Tean urged Singaporeans to assess their own affordability in these challenging times, especially with the impending GST increase.

He warned that a 1% rise in GST could lead to substantial hikes in everyday expenses, particularly food prices.

Lim Tean expressed concern that the PAP had become detached from the financial struggles of everyday Singaporeans, citing their high salaries and perceived insensitivity to the common citizen’s plight.

Lim Tean urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices

Highlighting the importance of the upcoming election, Lim Tean recommended that citizens seriously evaluate the affordability of their lives.

“If you ask yourself about affordability, you will realise that you have no choice, In the coming election, but to vote in a massive number of opposition Members of Parliament, So that they can make a difference.”

Lim Tean emphasized the need to move beyond the traditional notion of providing checks and balances and encouraged voters to consider who could genuinely improve their lives.

“To me, the choice is very simple. It is whether you decide to continue with a life, that is going to become more and more expensive: More expensive housing, higher cost of living, jobs not secure because of the massive influx of foreign workers,” he declared.

“Or you choose members of Parliament who have your interests at heart and who want to make your lives better.”

Continue Reading

Commentaries

Political observers call for review of Singapore’s criteria of Presidential candidates and propose 5 year waiting period for political leaders

Singaporean political observers express concern over the significantly higher eligibility criteria for private-sector presidential candidates compared to public-sector candidates, calling for adjustments.

Some also suggest a five year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before allowed to partake in the presidential election.

Notably, The Workers’ Party has earlier reiterated its position that the current qualification criteria favor PAP candidates and has called for a return to a ceremonial presidency instead of an elected one.

Published

on

While the 2023 Presidential Election in Singapore concluded on Friday (1 September), discussions concerning the fairness and equity of the electoral system persist.

Several political observers contend that the eligibility criteria for private-sector individuals running for president are disproportionately high compared to those from the public sector, and they propose that adjustments be made.

They also recommend a five-year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before being allowed to participate in the presidential election.

Aspiring entrepreneur George Goh Ching Wah, announced his intention to in PE 2023 in June. However, His application as a candidate was unsuccessful, he failed to receive the Certificate of Eligibility (COE) on 18 August.

Mr Goh had expressed his disappointment in a statement after the ELD’s announcement, he said, the Presidential Elections Committee (PEC) took a very narrow interpretation of the requirements without explaining the rationale behind its decision.

As per Singapore’s Constitution, individuals running for the presidency from the private sector must have a minimum of three years’ experience as a CEO in a company.

This company should have consistently maintained an average shareholders’ equity of at least S$500 million and sustained profitability.

Mr Goh had pursued eligibility through the private sector’s “deliberative track,” specifically referring to section 19(4)(b)(2) of the Singapore Constitution.

He pointed out five companies he had led for over three years, collectively claiming a shareholders’ equity of S$1.521 billion.

Notably, prior to the 2016 revisions, the PEC might have had the authority to assess Mr Goh’s application similarly to how it did for Mr Tan Jee Say in the 2011 Presidential Election.

Yet, in its current formulation, the PEC is bound by the definitions laid out in the constitution.

Calls for equitable standards across public and private sectors

According to Singapore’s Chinese media outlet, Shin Min Daily News, Dr Felix Tan Thiam Kim, a political analyst at Nanyang Technological University (NTU) Singapore, noted that in 2016, the eligibility criteria for private sector candidates were raised from requiring them to be executives of companies with a minimum capital of S$100 million to CEOs of companies with at least S$500 million in shareholder equity.

However, the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates remained unchanged. He suggests that there is room for adjusting the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates.

Associate Professor Bilver Singh, Deputy Head of the Department of Political Science at the National University of Singapore, believes that the constitutional requirements for private-sector individuals interested in running are excessively stringent.

He remarked, “I believe it is necessary to reassess the relevant regulations.”

He points out that the current regulations are more favourable for former public officials seeking office and that the private sector faces notably greater challenges.

“While it may be legally sound, it may not necessarily be equitable,” he added.

Proposed five-year waiting period for political leaders eyeing presidential race

Moreover, despite candidates severing ties with their political parties in pursuit of office, shedding their political affiliations within a short timeframe remains a challenging endeavour.

A notable instance is Mr Tharman Shanmugaratnam, who resigned from the People’s Action Party (PAP) just slightly over a month before announcing his presidential candidacy, sparking considerable debate.

During a live broadcast, his fellow contender, Ng Kok Song, who formerly served as the Chief Investment Officer of GIC, openly questioned Mr Tharman’s rapid transition to a presidential bid shortly after leaving his party and government.

Dr Felix Tan suggests that in the future, political leaders aspiring to run for the presidency should not only resign from their parties but also adhere to a mandatory waiting period of at least five years before entering the race.

Cherian George and Kevin Y.L. Tan: “illogical ” to raise the corporate threshold in 2016

Indeed, the apprehension regarding the stringent eligibility criteria and concerns about fairness in presidential candidacy requirements are not limited to political analysts interviewed by Singapore’s mainstream media.

Prior to PE2023, CCherian George, a Professor of media studies at Hong Kong Baptist University, and Kevin Y.L. Tan, an Adjunct Professor at both the Faculty of Law of the National University of Singapore and the NTU’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), brought attention to the challenges posed by the qualification criteria for candidates vying for the Singaporean Presidency.

In their article titled “Why Singapore’s Next Elected President Should be One of its Last,” the scholars discussed the relevance of the current presidential election system in Singapore and floated the idea of returning to an appointed President, emphasizing the symbolic and unifying role of the office.

They highlighted that businessman George Goh appeared to be pursuing the “deliberative track” for qualification, which requires candidates to satisfy the PEC that their experience and abilities are comparable to those of a typical company’s chief executive with shareholder equity of at least S$500 million.

Mr Goh cobbles together a suite of companies under his management to meet the S$500m threshold.

The article also underscored the disparities between the eligibility criteria for candidates from the public and private sectors, serving as proxies for evaluating a candidate’s experience in handling complex financial matters.

“It is hard to see what financial experience the Chairman of the Public Service Commission or for that matter, the Chief Justice has, when compared to a Minister or a corporate chief.”

“The raising of the corporate threshold in 2016 is thus illogical and serves little purpose other than to simply reduce the number of potentially eligible candidates.”

The article also touches upon the issue of candidates’ independence from political parties, particularly the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP).

It mentions that candidates are expected to be non-partisan and independent, and it questions how government-backed candidates can demonstrate their independence given their previous affiliations.

The Workers’ Party advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency

It comes as no surprise that Singapore’s alternative party, the Workers’ Party, reaffirmed its stance on 30 August, asserting that they believe the existing qualifying criteria for presidential candidates are skewed in favour of those approved by the People’s Action Party (PAP).

They argue that the current format of the elected presidency (EP) undermines the principles of parliamentary democracy.

“It also serves as an unnecessary source of gridlock – one that could potentially cripple a non-PAP government within its first term – and is an alternative power centre that could lead to political impasses.”

Consistently, the Workers’ Party has been vocal about its objection to the elected presidency and has consistently called for its abolition.

Instead, they advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency, a position they have maintained for over three decades.

Continue Reading

Trending