Editorial
KTV cluster: How effective will an after-action review be in lieu of a commission of inquiry?
The recent KTV cluster is Singapore’s newest cause for concern in its fight against the global COVID-19 pandemic, with a total of 88 cases linked to the cluster reported as of Thursday (15 July).
This does not come as a surprise as South Korea, Taiwan and Japan have had similar outbreaks stemming from night entertainment venues.
However, Singapore is aware of such risks and has consequently banned the operations of such venues since last year.
Following an improvement in the COVID-19 situation in Singapore, nightlife venues that were not included in a pilot programme were allowed to temporarily “pivot” their business to the food and beverage category since October 2020.
The pilot programme was actually delayed in January 2021 until further notice, amid a rise in community cases.
According to the Ministry of Home Affairs and the Ministry of Trade and Industry, the delay was to “prevent the risk of further community transmission and formation of clusters in high-risk settings such as nightclubs and karaoke outlets, which entail people coming into close contact for prolonged periods of time and in enclosed spaces”.
However, the recent rise of cases from the KTV clusters and the purported activities that take place in the venues raise eyebrows on how the businesses were even allowed to operate as they did, even if they were licensed as F&B outlets.
Some have questioned the issuance of permits by the authorities, while some questioned the issuance of short-term passes for the hostesses.
All these questions may or may not have a straight answer. But what is certain is that an after-action review (AAR) is not going to give the public the frank answers that they want.
Just last week, Leader of the Opposition Pritam Singh asked in Parliament if a Commission of Inquiry (COI) will be convened on the government’s COVID-19 response after the pandemic is over, as previously mentioned by the People’s Action Party (PAP) leaders.
However, the answer provided by Senior Minister Teo Chee Hean is that there will not be a COI — instead, an AAR will likely be put in place.
Teo’s clarification on the AAR notes that it would be more of a “broad-ranging” feedback mechanism than an inquisitory one.
This would mean that those involved in matters intended to be probed will not be cross-examined in court by judges — something that the COI would have afforded.
It appears that through this move, the government will just be gathering feedback and issuing responses whenever and whatever they want to.
As Teo pointed out, the pandemic is not over — and it is certainly clear from the formation of the KTV cluster that COVID-19 is far from being eradicated in the country.
Yet, this incident and its aftermath may not inspire confidence in the public, who may perceive that a lack of a COI would mean that the authorities will not be held accountable for any lapses on their end as Singapore continues to battle the spread of the virus among the population.
Editorial
Undying Phoenix: TOC navigates regulatory restrictions with a revamped approach
Despite new regulations hindering operations, The Online Citizen Asia (TOC) views this as a chance to return to its roots, launching Gutzy Asia for Greater Asian news, while refocusing on Singapore. Inviting volunteer support, TOC’s commitment to truth and transparency remains unshakeable amidst these constraints.
On 21 July 2023, the Ministry of Communications and Information, under the leadership of Minister Josephine Teo, declared The Online Citizen Asia’s (TOC) website and social media platforms as Declared Online Locations (DOL) according to the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act 2019 (POFMA).
This decision follows a series of alleged false statements propagated by TOC, with the most recent incident reported on 2 May.
Amidst a politically charged environment characterized by scandals involving the People’s Action Party and increasing public mistrust towards the ruling government, TOC will continue to operate, albeit under significant constraints, despite the regulatory restrictions imposed.
The DOL declaration mandates that TOC must carry a public notice on its online platforms, which indicates its alleged history of disseminating misinformation.
The POFMA Office, however, clarified that TOC can continue its operations, retaining its website and social media pages under stringent regulations, particularly concerning monetization.
According to Part 5 of the POFMA, TOC is prohibited from gaining financial or material benefits from its operations. Additionally, offering financial support to TOC is equally unlawful. For the next two years, TOC will be compelled to self-sustain, relying solely on its resources without any public backing.
It strikes TOC as notably ironic that the Singapore government, eager to stymie our operations to prevent the spread of “fake news”, simultaneously demonstrates a fervour to invest S$900 million of taxpayer funds into the SPH Media Trust, currently embroiled in a data misrepresentation scandal. This dichotomy indeed presents a masterclass in cognitive dissonance.
Despite these significant constraints, TOC views this as an opportunity to revert to its roots, replicating the enthusiasm and drive that characterized our operation following our establishment in 2006.
Our existing staff will transition to a new publication, Gutzy Asia, focusing on news from Greater Asia, while TOC will refocus on its primary subject, Singapore, hence dropping the Asia subtext.
In this transition, we invite volunteers passionate about journalism and holding power to account to join us in our mission. We also welcome contributions from Singapore’s political parties, offering them a platform to express their perspectives and provide updates.
While this change may result in a decrease in content volume and frequency, we assure our supporters that our commitment to truth and transparency remains steadfast. We are legally obliged not to seek financial aid, but we hope our supporters will provide us with manpower and information support.
We are resolute in our decision to continue TOC’s operations, standing in defiance against attempts to silence dissent through lawsuits and intimidating regulations. We are here to serve the people, and we will continue our mission with determination and resilience.
To keep up to date with the publication: Follow The Online Citizen via telegram (Gutzy Asia’s posts are included)
Editorial
Shanmugam, Balakrishnan, and the Code of Conduct: A Demand for Straight Answers
Editorial: Amid the recent controversy involving Singaporean ministers K Shanmugam and Vivian Balakrishnan regarding the tenancy of two state properties, serious questions have surfaced about potential breaches of the Ministerial Code of Conduct.
Despite being renowned for high standards of governance, the lack of a clear response from the ministers themselves and the decision to pass the issue to a review committee chaired by a fellow party member has raised eyebrows. The crucial question remains: does leasing property from the Singapore Land Authority, an organization overseen by the minister in question, breach the Code of Conduct?
In a country renowned for its high standards of governance, the recent controversy surrounding the tenancy of two state properties by Minister K Shanmugam and Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan has raised some perplexing questions.
Both ministers, tasked with the important responsibility of upholding the integrity of Singapore’s laws and foreign affairs, respectively, find themselves under scrutiny following allegations of a potential breach of the Ministerial Code of Conduct.
Mr Shanmugam claimed in his statement on Tuesday (23 May) to have “nothing to hide” and encouraged questions.
However, the irony is palpable when we consider the simple question that remains unanswered: Does leasing from the Singapore Land Authority (SLA), an organization he oversees, breach the Ministerial Code of Conduct?
Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s decision to initiate a review is commendable and necessary to maintain the high standards of integrity that are a cornerstone of the Singapore government.
However, having a fellow People’s Action Party Senior Minister, Teo Chee Hean, chair the review does raise some questions. Furthermore, it remains puzzling why a straightforward answer isn’t forthcoming from the ministers implicated in this issue.
Under Section 3 of the Ministerial Code of Conduct, it’s stipulated that a Minister must avoid any actual or perceived conflict of interest between his office and his private financial interests.
While we should refrain from jumping to conclusions before the review concludes, the public certainly has the right to question whether a Minister leasing public property could conceivably conflict with his public duty.
This predicament reflects an unprecedented evasion of responsibility, particularly from Mr Shanmugam, who has been vocal in demanding clear and direct responses from political opponents.
Now that the tables have turned, the nation awaits his clear and direct answer – does leasing the property at 26 Ridout Road contravene the Code of Conduct for ministers?
Instead of a straightforward response, we see the matter deferred to a review committee and promises of addressing the issue in Parliament, where the ruling People’s Action Party holds a supermajority. This is far from the accountability and directness we expect from a Minister, especially one overseeing Law and Home Affairs.
The question is simple and direct, yet the absence of a clear answer has inevitably raised eyebrows and triggered skepticism about our leaders’ transparency and accountability. It is incumbent upon Mr Shanmugam and Mr Balakrishnan to clear the air and restore public confidence by providing a simple “Yes” or “No” answer.
Do the two ministers not think that the average person will likely perceive a conflict of interest when ministers rent from a government agency under the Law Minister’s purview? Once such a perception exists, how can there be no breach of Clause 3 of the Ministerial Code?
Clause 3, analogous to the maxim that justice must not only be done but seen to be done, requires a Minister to avoid actual conflict of interest and apparent or perceived conflict of interest.
Parliamentary privilege and safe environments shouldn’t be an excuse for evading direct answers. Singaporeans deserve more than opaque explanations and bureaucratic deferrals; they deserve straightforward, honest responses from their public servants. This is a matter of trust, transparency, and, above all, integrity.
If there’s anything the public can perceive from the actions of the ministers so far, it’s how out of touch they appear to be with common folks – both in the matter of principle and the need for accountability – from atop their massive ivory towers on Ridout Road.
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