Editorial
Trial highlights of defamation suit between Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and Terry Xu
The defamation trial launched by Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong (PM Lee) against Chief Editor of The Online Citizen (TOC), Terry Xu (Xu) began with great fanfare 30 November with hopeful spectators queuing as early as 4 a.m. to nab a seat. While the trial has ended (for now) on 3 December, both sides will prepare Written Submissions for the court to consider and the trial will likely reconvene in February 2021.
For those unaware, the trial centres around the publication by TOC, of an article entitled “PM Lee’s wife, Ho Ching weirdly shares article on cutting ties with family members”, which contained alleged defamatory statements made by PM Lee’s siblings, Lee Hsien Yang and Dr Lee Wei Ling in relation to the dispute surrounding the late Lee Kuan Yew’s (LKY) house at 38 Oxley Road. A cornerstone of the lawsuit is that Lee has claimed that the article in question had gravely injured his character and reputation and that he had been “brought into public scandal, odium and contempt” as a result.
The four-day hearing threw up some notable issues and questions.
DAY 1 – 30 November
Issue 1 : No loss suffered by PM Lee
A key issue raised on the first day of the trial by Lim Tean (Lim), who represents Xu is the question of damage. Lim contended that PM Lee had suffered absolutely no loss as a result of the article published by TOC. Lim went on to highlight the fact that PM Lee and his team had comfortably won the Ang Mo Kio group representation constituency in this year’s general election.
Issue 2: No revisiting of PM Lee’s act of not disclosing documents during discovery
The issue of the disclosure of documents also arose when Justice Audrey Lim disallowed Lim’s question to PM Lee in relation to the disclosure of correspondence between members of the Lee family with regards to 38 Oxley Road. The Judge disallowed the question on the basis that an application made by Xu to obtain certain documents from PM Lee in relation to the defamation suit filed by the PM against him were already dismissed at a closed-door hearing in chambers in March this year.
Instances of communication between Lee and his family that Xu had sought included:
- Correspondence from LKY to PM Lee on the removal of the latter as an executor of his will;
- Correspondence between PM Lee and his siblings Lee Hsien Yang and Dr Lee Wei Ling regarding the family home, dated 20 Jul 2011 to 31 Oct 2012; and
- Correspondence between PM Lee and LKY on the family home, dated 20 Jul 2011 to 31 Oct 2012.
Issue 3: Questions on whether or not Xu was sued because he was a Government critic
Lim suggested in court that PM Lee was going after Xu because Xu was a “small thorn at his side” because PM Lee had taken no action against his siblings who had made the allegedly defamatory remarks while he has sued Xu for replicating the comments. The judge was however of the opinion that parties should “move on” as “the plaintiff is entitled to choose who he wants to sue in any case, not just in defamation.”
Issue 4 : Using the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) to send a letter to Xu instead of using his personal lawyers
Lim argued that in using the PMO to send the letter, PM Lee was hoping to intimidate Xu. Lee, however, denied this.
DAY 2 – 1 December
Issue 1 – PM Lee and Ho Ching were removed as executors of LKY’s will
It was revealed in court that Lee and his wife Ho Ching were removed as executors of PM Lee’s father and Singapore’s founding prime minister LKY’s first will with Lee Hsien Yang and Dr Lee Wei Ling appointed instead. PM Lee had initially denied that Ho Ching was ever an executor but withdrew that statement when he was shown a copy of that will in court.
Issue 2 – Confirmation from Lee that LKY had initially wanted to bequeath the 38 Oxley Road property to Lee’s siblings before being convinced not to.
PM Lee testified that the late LKY had intended to pass down the 38 Oxley Road property to Mr Lee Hsien Yang and Dr Lee Wei Ling before he was convinced that the house would potentially be gazetted by the government.
Issue 3 – PM Lee has the final word in relation to 38 Oxley Road
PM Lee had earlier denied being in favour of preserving the 38 Oxley Road property and argued that he had to act according to the “government’s rights and powers” even if it means to accommodate other options if the house is to be preserved as he could not go against the cabinet when it came to the property. However, It was revealed in court that LKY had said that PM Lee “as PM has the final word” on matters pertaining to the 38 Oxley Road property and that he “cannot call the shots”.
DAY 3 – 2 December
Issue 1: The irony of Ho Ching’s Facebook post
In response to suggestions that Xu had used Ho Ching’s Facebook post as a peg to attack against PM Lee, Xu pointed out that it was ironic for Ho Ching to be posting about toxic relationships within family members, “because she is one of the toxic members which the joint siblings have been alleging”.
Issue 2: Writing both sides of the story
When asked by PM Lee’s lawyer, Davinder Singh (Singh) why Xu had not written Lee’s version of events but only produced the version of the siblings, Xu stated that he would not be able to write PM Lee’s version because of PM Lee’s refusal to engage with TOC.
“My position is that even if I wait for another ten years, he will not reply (to) my questions.”
Issue 3 – K Shanmugam’s involvement in the will
PM Lee was confronted with an email disclosing Home Affairs and Law Minister, K Shanmugam’s (Shanmugam) assistance on LKY’s will, referencing his comment on preserving 38 Oxley Road for historical reasons.
Referencing a Facebook post by Dr Lee Wei Ling on 17 June 2017, titled “Shanmugam was extensively consulted and advised my father over lunch”, Lim highlighted the portion of an email sent by Dr Lee Wei Ling to Shanmugam, which was copied to Lee Hsien Yang.
The portion read:
“MM the father thinks Loong asked him to speak to the Cabinet because Loong wanted the Cabinet to tell the father they want it preserved. He is agreeable to your suggestion. I told him after you meet with Yang and me then we decide how to draft his will with regards to this house.”
Dr Lee in another email on 15 August 2011 wrote,
“There is a platoon of people trooping through Oxley right now. I don’t like it and it will be worse if it is ever open to public. Shan says Loong’s decision must be based on the historical value of Oxley.”
This seems to suggest that PM Lee wanted the Cabinet to tell LKY not to demolish the house which goes against his earlier assertion that he could not go against the Cabinet.
DAY 4 – 3 December
Issue 1 : Kwa Kim Li
In a dramatic turn of events, Justice Audrey Lim, the judge presiding over the trial, dismissed Kwa Kim Li’s (KKL) application to set aside Xu’s subpoena on her to testify as a defence witness after hearing arguments on the matter.
KKL, a senior partner at Lee&Lee, had previously told The Straits Times that she did not prepare Mr LKY’s last will. However, Dr Lee Wei Ling, had alleged that KKL had “extensively” discussed changes LKY wanted to make to his will before he signed the December 2013 will — the seventh and final will.
“From late November 2013 all the way till Friday 13 December 2013, my father had had discussions and exchanged emails with KKL of Lee & Lee on what he wanted in his will. These included discussions of his immediately prior will.
“The will my father signed on Tuesday 17 December 2013 reflected these prior discussions with his lawyer KKL,” Dr Lee Wei Ling claimed in a Facebook post on 30 April last year.
Lee Hsien Yang similarly previously claimed that the will was “drafted by Kwa Kim Li of Lee&Lee”.
Issue 2 – KKL’s revelations
LKY’s lawyer Kwa Kim Li’s handwritten notes reveals Lee “has free rein” and “can handle Cabinet”. This goes against PM Lee’s earlier assertions that he could not go against the Cabinet
Issue 3 – Gazetting
PM Lee was earlier questioned on why he did not clarify with LKY in email about 38 Oxley Road being gazetted. In other words, was LKY fully aware of the gazetting?
There was no email that shows that PM Lee has told the late LKY that the house has been gazetted. Xu pointed out that “the absence of Mr Lee Hsien Loong stating that this house has not been gazetted or would be gazetted is more telling,”
What’s next?
Both parties have been asked to present Written Submissions to the court by January 2021 and the oral submissions will take place in February.
Editorial
Undying Phoenix: TOC navigates regulatory restrictions with a revamped approach
Despite new regulations hindering operations, The Online Citizen Asia (TOC) views this as a chance to return to its roots, launching Gutzy Asia for Greater Asian news, while refocusing on Singapore. Inviting volunteer support, TOC’s commitment to truth and transparency remains unshakeable amidst these constraints.
On 21 July 2023, the Ministry of Communications and Information, under the leadership of Minister Josephine Teo, declared The Online Citizen Asia’s (TOC) website and social media platforms as Declared Online Locations (DOL) according to the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act 2019 (POFMA).
This decision follows a series of alleged false statements propagated by TOC, with the most recent incident reported on 2 May.
Amidst a politically charged environment characterized by scandals involving the People’s Action Party and increasing public mistrust towards the ruling government, TOC will continue to operate, albeit under significant constraints, despite the regulatory restrictions imposed.
The DOL declaration mandates that TOC must carry a public notice on its online platforms, which indicates its alleged history of disseminating misinformation.
The POFMA Office, however, clarified that TOC can continue its operations, retaining its website and social media pages under stringent regulations, particularly concerning monetization.
According to Part 5 of the POFMA, TOC is prohibited from gaining financial or material benefits from its operations. Additionally, offering financial support to TOC is equally unlawful. For the next two years, TOC will be compelled to self-sustain, relying solely on its resources without any public backing.
It strikes TOC as notably ironic that the Singapore government, eager to stymie our operations to prevent the spread of “fake news”, simultaneously demonstrates a fervour to invest S$900 million of taxpayer funds into the SPH Media Trust, currently embroiled in a data misrepresentation scandal. This dichotomy indeed presents a masterclass in cognitive dissonance.
Despite these significant constraints, TOC views this as an opportunity to revert to its roots, replicating the enthusiasm and drive that characterized our operation following our establishment in 2006.
Our existing staff will transition to a new publication, Gutzy Asia, focusing on news from Greater Asia, while TOC will refocus on its primary subject, Singapore, hence dropping the Asia subtext.
In this transition, we invite volunteers passionate about journalism and holding power to account to join us in our mission. We also welcome contributions from Singapore’s political parties, offering them a platform to express their perspectives and provide updates.
While this change may result in a decrease in content volume and frequency, we assure our supporters that our commitment to truth and transparency remains steadfast. We are legally obliged not to seek financial aid, but we hope our supporters will provide us with manpower and information support.
We are resolute in our decision to continue TOC’s operations, standing in defiance against attempts to silence dissent through lawsuits and intimidating regulations. We are here to serve the people, and we will continue our mission with determination and resilience.
To keep up to date with the publication: Follow The Online Citizen via telegram (Gutzy Asia’s posts are included)
Editorial
Shanmugam, Balakrishnan, and the Code of Conduct: A Demand for Straight Answers
Editorial: Amid the recent controversy involving Singaporean ministers K Shanmugam and Vivian Balakrishnan regarding the tenancy of two state properties, serious questions have surfaced about potential breaches of the Ministerial Code of Conduct.
Despite being renowned for high standards of governance, the lack of a clear response from the ministers themselves and the decision to pass the issue to a review committee chaired by a fellow party member has raised eyebrows. The crucial question remains: does leasing property from the Singapore Land Authority, an organization overseen by the minister in question, breach the Code of Conduct?
In a country renowned for its high standards of governance, the recent controversy surrounding the tenancy of two state properties by Minister K Shanmugam and Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan has raised some perplexing questions.
Both ministers, tasked with the important responsibility of upholding the integrity of Singapore’s laws and foreign affairs, respectively, find themselves under scrutiny following allegations of a potential breach of the Ministerial Code of Conduct.
Mr Shanmugam claimed in his statement on Tuesday (23 May) to have “nothing to hide” and encouraged questions.
However, the irony is palpable when we consider the simple question that remains unanswered: Does leasing from the Singapore Land Authority (SLA), an organization he oversees, breach the Ministerial Code of Conduct?
Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s decision to initiate a review is commendable and necessary to maintain the high standards of integrity that are a cornerstone of the Singapore government.
However, having a fellow People’s Action Party Senior Minister, Teo Chee Hean, chair the review does raise some questions. Furthermore, it remains puzzling why a straightforward answer isn’t forthcoming from the ministers implicated in this issue.
Under Section 3 of the Ministerial Code of Conduct, it’s stipulated that a Minister must avoid any actual or perceived conflict of interest between his office and his private financial interests.
While we should refrain from jumping to conclusions before the review concludes, the public certainly has the right to question whether a Minister leasing public property could conceivably conflict with his public duty.
This predicament reflects an unprecedented evasion of responsibility, particularly from Mr Shanmugam, who has been vocal in demanding clear and direct responses from political opponents.
Now that the tables have turned, the nation awaits his clear and direct answer – does leasing the property at 26 Ridout Road contravene the Code of Conduct for ministers?
Instead of a straightforward response, we see the matter deferred to a review committee and promises of addressing the issue in Parliament, where the ruling People’s Action Party holds a supermajority. This is far from the accountability and directness we expect from a Minister, especially one overseeing Law and Home Affairs.
The question is simple and direct, yet the absence of a clear answer has inevitably raised eyebrows and triggered skepticism about our leaders’ transparency and accountability. It is incumbent upon Mr Shanmugam and Mr Balakrishnan to clear the air and restore public confidence by providing a simple “Yes” or “No” answer.
Do the two ministers not think that the average person will likely perceive a conflict of interest when ministers rent from a government agency under the Law Minister’s purview? Once such a perception exists, how can there be no breach of Clause 3 of the Ministerial Code?
Clause 3, analogous to the maxim that justice must not only be done but seen to be done, requires a Minister to avoid actual conflict of interest and apparent or perceived conflict of interest.
Parliamentary privilege and safe environments shouldn’t be an excuse for evading direct answers. Singaporeans deserve more than opaque explanations and bureaucratic deferrals; they deserve straightforward, honest responses from their public servants. This is a matter of trust, transparency, and, above all, integrity.
If there’s anything the public can perceive from the actions of the ministers so far, it’s how out of touch they appear to be with common folks – both in the matter of principle and the need for accountability – from atop their massive ivory towers on Ridout Road.
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