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At what cost of citizen’s privacy, comes their freedom and security

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By M Ravi

Had a fruitful panel discussion in Bangkok this afternoon organized by the International Commission of Jurists ( ICJ). The panel discussion is part of a 2 day Annual ASEAN Lawyers Meeting on Countering Terrorism and Protecting Human Rights.

I was slated to speak on Counter Terrorism, National Security and the right to privacy in Singapore.

I started with a quote by the law minister where he alluded to an ideological struggle between freedom and terror; stating, ” we must believe that we can never be kept down by terror. Liberty, the human spirit will ultimately succeed. But we have to be prepared to fight for it.”

Really?

We pause here: ” experience teaches us to be most on guard to protect Liberty when the government’s purposes are beneficent” – Justice Louis D.Brandeis

The impunity in which the ISA was applied to political detainees does give rise to concern when the same law is applied to terrorists where there is detention without trial and judicial review is excluded by the courts.

I presented to ICJ a copy of the recent book by Dr Poh Soo Kai who was detained under the ISA for more than a decade. It was heartening note from the speech by Malaysian lawyer Andrew Khoo, that Malaysia has been abolished the ISA!

The crux of my presentation is on privacy law and national security. When I started my preparation for my talk, I realised that there is a dearth of literature on this subject in the context of Singapore. However, I found some useful notes from Privacy International.

Comparatively speaking, the interpretation to the right to privacy in Singapore has been narrow for quite some time. Singapore does not have a constitutionally recognized right to privacy, nor is it explicitly specified in any human rights type of legislation. Again, I was pleasantly surprised to hear from a lawyer from the Philippines that Philippines has a right to privacy since 1899!

There are two areas of concern on the right to privacy in Singapore :
a. Communications Surveillance and
b. Data retention

Communications Surveillance

The surveillance structure spreads wide from CCTV, drones, Internet monitoring, access to communication data, mandatory SIM card registration, identification required for registration to certain websites , to the use of big analytics for governance initiatives including traffic monitoring .

These practices raise significant concerns in light of the fact that the legal framework regulating interception of communication falls short of applicable international human rights standards. Judicial authorization is completely sidelined.

The law through various pieces of legislation including the Criminal Procedure Code(amended in 2012) and the Computer Misuse and Cybersecurity Act (amended in 1997), does not impose a need for prior judicial authorization to conduct surveillance operation. Authorization can only be given by the Public prosecutor, Minister and police officer.

The lack of a requirement for a judicial warrant for communication interception is rather disconcerting. Such authorizations must be delivered by judges, and not politicians.

Ministerial authorization must be removed and be replaced with an independent judicial authorization process in order to make the process more transparent and accountable.

In fact, I learnt from the Thai panelist that in Thailand the state agency has to apply to court for a judicial warrant for surveillance. Isn’t it ironical that Thailand is under military rule and yet has a better due process than Singapore it comes to issues of privacy.

The following are some of the incidents of unwarranted access to communication data.

?1999 : Singtel was revealed to have scanned it’s customer’s computers surreptitiously following orders it has received from the Ministry of Home Affairs;
? 2008 : ISPs were forced to disclose the personal details of its subscribers it held in a lawsuit involving copyright infringement, i.e.in the case of Odex;

In 2013, when the amendments to the Computer Misuse Act were being discussed, several MP’s raised the need to increase accountability and appropriate checks and balances in view of the more enormous powers and wide discretion the Bill confers on the Government to affect measures and obtain data from private companies.

Unfortunately, none of these suggestions were adopted in the amended Act.

Limits on anonymity is a cause for concern as well

On 1 November 2005, a pre – paid SIM card regulatory regime came into force. This emerged from a joint initiative by the Infocomm Development Authority (IDA), the Ministry of Home Affairs together with mobile service providers. In order to buy a SIM card, a new user must provide a piece of identification.

SIM registration undermines the ability of users to communicate anonymously and disproportionately disadvantages the most marginalized groups. Mandatory SIM card registration facilitates the establishment of extensive databases of user information, eradicating the potential for anonymity of communications, enabling location -tracking, and simplifying communications surveillance

As recently noted by the UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression, in a report presented at the 29th Session of the Human Rights Council, “encryption and anonymity, and the security concepts behind them, provide the privacy and security necessary for the exercise of the right to freedom of opinion and expression in the digital age.” He added that because of their importance to these rights “restrictions on encryption and anonymity must be strictly limited according to principles of legality, necessity, proportionality and legitimacy in objective.”

Expansive surveillance capabilities

• In 2013, Citizen Lab of the University of Toronto found evidence that a product “PacketShaper”, produced by BlueCoat23 Systems, a US-based company, is in use in Singapore. Blue Coat allows the surveillance and monitoring of users’ interactions on various applications such as Facebook, Twitter, Google Mail, and Skype.

• Also in 2013, Citizen Lab found command and control servers for FinSpy backdoors, part of Gamma International’s FinFisher “remote monitoring solution,” in a total of 25 countries, including Singapore. FinSpy is malware – software programmes that give an operator the ability to observe and control an individual’s computer or mobile device – produced by British- German company Gamma International. The news was covered by local Media, but the Government denied using spy software.

• Whilst such tools can be used for legitimate aims, such as controlling bandwidth costs, they also have the functionality to permit filtering, censorship, and surveillance. Given the lack of legal framework in place to ensure the protection of the rights to privacy, the possible presence and use of such technologies is troubling.

Collaboration in mass communication surveillance programmes

• In August 2013, documents published by NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden have revealed Singapore as a key “third party” providing direct and secret access to Malaysia’s communication data with the Fives Eyes.

Whilst it remains unclear what the role and responsibilities are of ‘third parties” to the NSA, it has been reported that the government of Singapore, through the state-owned operator, SingTel facilitated access to fibre optic cables passing through its territory.

• This access was provided through the tapping of some internet cables running through Singapore. Internet monitoring is the act of capturing data as it travels across the internet towards its intended destination. It can take place across any point of the infrastructure, depending on what information is trying to be collected.

• Privacy International is concerned that such mass surveillance programmes are contrary to Article 12 of the UDHR and Article 17 of the ICCPR.

The alleged role of Singapore as a third party to the Five Eyes extends far beyond principles of legality, legitimacy, proportionality, and necessity that must be considered when interfering with and limiting the right to privacy.

Such activities also fail to meet well-established human rights principles of transparency, accountability, due process, and the requirement for independent oversight.

Concluding Remarks

Singapore is a nation that has been fortunate enough to have avoided terror attacks for decades. In recent times, the Government has been taking pro-active steps in order to ensure that the security of the nation stays ahead of those that may wish to do it harm.

Some of these measures include rolling out expanded CCTV coverage across the country, which already has extensive police CCTV networks. This may very well be a useful to combating terrorism.

The question is, what are the means by which we reach the end goal? At what cost comes our freedom and security?

Related to this question are others:

• Is public security more important than human rights?

• If we allow exceptions to the application of the right to privacy, are we not eroding the foundation of this important human right?

• How do we balance the application of the right to privacy while also ensuring adequate security measures are in place to combat terrorism?

I don’t have the answer to all of these questions. But I believe that part of the solution is to pay adequate heed to international laws, such as the human rights protected under the ICCPR.

I ended my talk with a quote from Thomas Paine, one of the founding father of United States :

“He that would make his own liberty secure, must guard even his enemy from oppression; for if he violates this duty, he establishes a precedent that will reach to himself”

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Civil Society

Transformative Justice Collective urges gov’t to remove expansion of police powers in Road Traffic Act amendments

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Local NGO, Transformative Justice Collective (TJC), which advocates for the human rights of prisoners and those on death row, opposes the expansion of police powers to stop-and-frisk as outlined in the Road Traffic Act amendment and called for its removal.

In a statement on their website released on Tuesday (18 May), TJC noted its concern that this proposed amendment to the Act introduces measures “without adequate discussion” on the potential cost of these frisk searches on members of the public.

Among others, the amendment allows for police officers as well as “senior approved persons” to conduct frisk searches on commuters of public transport and use handheld scanners to screen them.

The statement added: “Transformative Justice Collective (TJC) is further concerned that these measures will contribute to racial and religious profiling, and perpetuate racist and xenophobic sentiments that have unfortunately been intensifying in our society of late.”

Citing a New York University (NYU) study which shows that young urban men in New York who experienced police stops also reported higher levels of anxiety, while those who experienced more intrusive stops experienced more trauma.

Referencing Senior Minister of State for Transport Dr Amy Khor’s remarks in Parliament as the bill was debated in which she compares frisk searches to routine searchers at major public events, TJC stressed that this “discounts the psychological effect it may have on those who are singled out for searches during their public transport journey in plain view of other commuters.”

“It has been the case that “stop and frisk” practices in other jurisdictions, for example in New York and the United Kingdom, have drawn strong criticisms for disproportionately targeting minority men and boys,” TJC added, noting that this has given rise to a sense of expectation that will be stopped just for going about their day.

In Parliament, Dr Khor’s had highlighted that people afforded with this power to conduct frisk searches will be trained on how to identify people who display “suspicious behaviour.” However, TJC critiqued the lack of detail in the proposed amendments as to what entails “suspicious behaviour”.

It explained: “Suspicious behaviour’ is a nebulous idea, like ‘dangerous people’, both given to stereotypes based on race, skin colour, class and presentation (e.g. people with tattoos and piercings also tend to be disproportionately targeted).”

TJC questioned is such pre-emptive policing is “really capable of being free of biases” given that the very premise of it requires officers to make assumptions on who is more likely to be a danger to others around them.

The group went on to say also that there is evidence to show that raining does not necessarily translate to fairer practices.

It added, “In the absence of transparency around the training materials and guidelines for how officers should make decisions about who to stop and frisk, these reassurances by Dr Khor ring hollow.”

Moving on, TJC noted the lack of legislative safeguards in the amendments against “unnecessary use or abuse of such powers”, noting that police officers and so-called ‘senior approved persons’ are given complete discretion on who to stop and frisk.

The group pointed out that in countries such as the United States or United Kingdom, officers are generally required to have reasonable suspicion that a person has committed a crime or is in possession of an illegal item in order to conduct a search. They are also required to inform the person of the reason for the search.

The proposed amendment to the Road Traffic Act, however, states in a “catch-all” way that a search can be conducted as long as the officer “reasonably considers it necessary” to “ensure the security or safety of persons” on public transport.

TJC criticised that “Such broad powers to police and search our bodies are antithetical to our welfare, autonomy and sense of safety as we use public transport.”

Beyond that, TJC also noted that the proposed amendments do not outline avenues of recourse for individuals who may feel aggrieved by the manner of the search or by the conduct of the officers carrying out the search.

“Ultimately, profiling contributes to a sense of alienation, disenfranchisement and stigmatisation of racial and religious minorities, and other marginalised groups,” TJC warned.

It went on to highlight how, in Singapore, many Indian and Malay men—“especially if they are dark-skinned, travel alone, sport bears or carry backpacks”—are often repeatedly stopped for screening and bag checks.

“They find it extremely humiliating and distressing to be subjected to such a check, to the extent that many of them account for the extra time this will take when they are commuting by public transport,” TJC pointed out.

The group referred to an anecdote of a Tamil man who reported feeling an improvement in his mental health once he started driving and wasn’t subject to the “dehumanising checks” anymore.

TJC asserted, “These frisk searches represent another way for the State to intrude upon the bodies and lives of minority and marginalised communities, who already face microaggressions and other material harms in almost every aspect of their lives.”

It went on to slam the state’s reliance on the rhetoric of “national security” and “terrorist threats” to “justify the unilateral expansion of intrusive police powers and to dismiss concerns about the harms these practices bring about. “

It asserted that when these justifications are cited, there is also the added responsibility of the state on “being transparent about the threat assessment to the public.”

“There is also a need to weigh the necessity and effectiveness of each specific measure that expands police and state powers, against the potential harm and intrusion into our privacy and well-being that they bring,” it concluded, calling for the removal of this expansion of police powers.

 

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Legislation

“Fight fake news with facts, not Acts,” urge media practitioners after M’sian govt’s decision to criminalise spread of fake news under Emergency Ordinance

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The act of publishing or disseminating fake news relating to COVID-19 or the Emergency proclamation is now a crime with effect from Friday (12 Mar) under the Emergency (Essential Powers) (No. 2) Ordinance 2021.

Published in the Federal Government Gazette on Thursday, Section 2 of the Ordinance defines fake news as “any news, information, data and reports, which is or are wholly or partly false relating to COVID-19 or the proclamation of Emergency, whether in the forms of features, visuals or audio recordings or in any other form capable of suggesting words or ideas”.

Those found guilty of creating, publishing or disseminating fake news relating to COVID-19 or the Emergency proclamation could face a fine up to RM100,000, or a jail term of up to three years, or both.

In the case of a continuing offence, individuals may be subject to a further fine of up to RM1,000 for every day during which the offence continues after conviction.

In addition, the Ordinance states that the court may order any publication deemed to be fake news to be removed in 24 hours.

Failing to do so will result in a fine not exceeding RM100,000, with up to RM3,000 added for every day the directive is not followed.

“The law applies to any person involved in the dissemination of fake news both within the country and abroad, regardless of nationality, given that the fake news in question affects Malaysia or a Malaysian citizen,” it said.

Geramm: Fake news should be combatted through fact-checking initiatives, not oppressive legislation

Gerakan Media Merdeka (Geramm) — a coalition of media practitioners and supporters of press freedom in Malaysia and across the Southeast Asian region — expressed concern over the government’s move to gazette such an Ordinance.

In a statement on Thursday, Geramm said that it is alarming that such a law was not drafted by elected parliamentarians and passed through a Dewan Rakyat sitting, given the suspension of Parliament during the period.

“On the surface, the regulations may appear to be agreeable. However, with no clear definition of ‘fake news’, we are concerned over possible abuse that may arise as a consequence,” it pointed out.

The Ordinance, said Geramm, should not be used as a tool to silence, pressure or bully dissidents.

It reiterated its stand to “fight fake news with facts, not Acts”, supporting fact-checking initiatives in place of legislation.

CIJ: Criminalising fake news under Ordinance grants Govt “unfettered powers” to “undermine our fundamental rights” to free speech and expression

The Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ) said it is “deeply shocked and appalled” by the Perikatan Nasional (PN) government’s decision to criminalise “fake news” under the new Emergency Ordinance.

Its executive director, Wathshlah G. Naidu in a statement on Thursday called on the government to stop using the state of Emergency to stifle any criticism of the current administration.

“Without the necessary parliamentary checks and balances, the unfettered powers given to the current administration under the Emergency Proclamation foretells the continued attempts by this government to use any means possible to undermine our fundamental rights and freedoms,” she said.

The introduction of specific elements of the Anti-Fake News Act 2018 — repealed by the Pakatan Harapan (PH) government in 2019 — into the Ordinance is “opportunistic”, Wathshlah added.

She also highlighted how “fake news” is not clearly defined in the law, which opens up a real possibility of abuse through arbitrary arrests, investigations and punitive actions being taken against the alleged offender.

“We anticipate further surveillances and invasions of our privacy, arbitrary censorships of critical and dissenting media reports, and thus, attacks on media freedom, and disproportionate crackdowns on legitimate speech such as dissent and misinformation,” said Wathshlah.

The government should thus withdraw the Ordinance supposedly  targeted at criminalising fake news, as it will go against the fundamental norms of freedom of expression and speech as enshrined in the Federal Constitution.

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