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Politicising the AHPETC saga, and why ST got it wrong

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ahpetcBy Howard Lee

At some point, we would expect the AHPETC town management saga to be trotted out for a political showing, if not a showdown, as we round the corner for the next General Election. But few might expect the first volley to be fired before nomination day has been announced, and by no less than Singapore’s leading national broadsheet, which the Prime Minister himself had recently called “credible, balanced and objective”.

In a commentary titled “The lose-lose political problem of AHPETC”, assistant political editor of The Straits Times Rachel Chang said that the “sullen, silent and obfuscatory” Workers’ Party is playing its “favourite victim card”. She also noted the “whiff of cronyism and opportunism around FMSS”, WP’s managing agent for its Aljunied Hougang Punggol East Town Council, which she believes straddles “the line between questionable governance and criminality”, even while noting that cronyism and opportunism are not illegal.

She surmised that “Aljunied and Punggol East voters have got, dollar for dollar, the worst value for town management services in Singapore”, although her colleagues in another article have interviewed a resident who noted that “the void decks are still swept and the rubbish is cleared” and “the neighbourhood is being taken care of, so I don’t worry that much.”

On the other hand, Chang noted – almost towards the end of the whole “lose-lose” article – that the risk to the PAP was in being “seen to be too bullying of the WP”, and thus having to balance between “a need to uphold principles of integrity and good governance” and getting the Ministry for National Development to appear as a political actor in the whole affair.

Her final risk assessment: “All this time spent on what voters conclude is politicking could be the worst-case scenario for the PAP in what may well be an election year. As for the WP, what’s clear from the entire fiasco is that they’re barely managing to run one town as it is. It would be a foolhardy electorate that gives it another one.”

So the PAP should try not to appear like a white knight with a few scratches in his armour, while the WP should just hunker down, and make sure the black baron tidies up his castle before contemplating other conquests.

Nice one, ST, but more than a few notches away from a decent assessment. It is true that both WP and PAP face risks from the whole AHPETC saga, but the actual fallout would be very different.

Low Thia Khiang and Sylvia Lim

Low Thia Khiang and Sylvia Lim

WP – a lot to answer for, but not for taking out the trash

Let us not deny that the WP has a lot to answer for. The need for proper management of funds has been entrusted to it under the Town Council Act, and like any other party, it has to abide by these rules. We might not like how town councils have been politicised since Goh Chok Tong mooted the concept during his premiership, but WP stood in Aljunied GRC with its eyes wide open.

There was also the more recent hiccup where AHPETC was collecting service & conservancy charges from residents of Parkland Residence, when the estate has not yet been handed over for it to be managed, leading to unhappy residents having to maintain their own estate for a short period of time.

Clearly, WP has a lot more to learn about managing a large town council, but that this accountability is still to the residents of constituencies currently under its charge. And it appears that the trash does get taken out and there has been no major incidents where the constituency has suffered from poor management. Moreover, would residents in other constituencies not think that WP would still perform reasonably as a town council manager, if not further leverage economies of scale, should it win other wards?

What residents do need to watch out for is whether the flow of funds might affect the longer term viability of the town council, as we will get down to in a bit.

ISEAS (Photo: Wikimedia)

ISEAS (Photo: Wikimedia)

In fact, in assessing WP’s suitability to be elected, Singaporeans should pay greater attention to how the party has conducted itself in Parliament, riding in as it did with the very sexy slogan of “Towards a First World Parliament” in 2011. The premise of that slogan was centred on WP increasing the quality of debate in Parliament, and the logical conclusion must be that such debate should benefit citizen.

In this aspect, WP really came in with a mixed bag. Its position on Ministerial salaries was criticised as being little more than a discount of lavish PAP standards, while its position on the Population White Paper drew many favourable comments for its attempt to make sure Singapore manages with an indigenous workforce.

More recently, it chipped in on the attempt by the PAP to grant sole discretion of appointing board members of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies to the Education Minister, with the view of influencing academic independence. Do such interjections support WP’s call to be given more voice in Parliament?

MNDPAP – politicking can’t get worse than this

On the other hand, the PAP has a lot more to lose should it choose to play up the AHPETC saga, beyond appearing as a playground bully in seeking “integrity and good governance”.

MND’s heavy involvement in the saga – to the extent of taking WP to court and dragging the Housing Development Board into it – has highlighted an underlying problem in politics and governance in Singapore. The civil service has often been accused of being the political tool of the PAP, and this saga has only entrenched such a view. It goes beyond saying “all’s fair in love, war and politics”. This is the people calling into question political bias in a civil service that is supposed to be impartial. As the ruling party, the PAP is implicit in such accusations.

Consequently, the influence goes beyond Aljunied GRC. What assurance do the people have that such politicking would not spread into other constituencies? The people have balked at the past practice of using public goods like precinct upgrading as electioneering carrots. Would they not view the deployment of MND and its statutory boards similarly as using public resources to “fix” the opposition?

More specifically, the MND is now inclined to withhold town council grants from AHPETC until the Ministry is satisfied that the town council’s accounts have been cleared. While it might be legislated to do so, the real effect on the ground might be that AHPETC cannot upkeep its sinking funds and hence finance estate upgrading projects.

image parliament seatsWould residents see this as an unfair attempt by the PAP to force WP into a hard corner? How different is this from an electioneering carrot? Does it not suggest that the PAP is putting its political interest of undoing the WP above the public interest of citizens?

PAP might also be suffering from a blind corner, by assuming that it will be seen as pursuing the moral high ground in this matter. Citizens would not easily forget the earlier AIMS or Lehman Brothers sagas. Each probe into AHPETC does even less to downplay the fact these issues remain technically un-investigated and unresolved. How would the PAP reconcile these issues?

Furthermore, by dedicating two whole days in Parliament debating the AHPETC case, how well is PAP representing the interest of Singaporeans in Parliament?

A simple paper analysis would put the WP in a worse light than the PAP – they mismanaged funds, and so do not deserve another win at the polls. But elections are never about paper analysis, but understanding what the people want – fair play vs estate management, an alternative voice in Parliament vs partisan governance.

None of these human interests are right or wrong, but knowing what is at stake at each turn of play is an indication of how wise the PAP has been in pushing WP so far. You can try to push your opponent over the cliff, but also watch out for the ground crumbling beneath you.

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Lim Tean criticizes Govt’s rejection of basic income report, urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices

Lim Tean, leader of Peoples Voice (PV), criticizes the government’s defensive response to the basic living income report, accusing it of avoiding reality.

He calls on citizens to assess affordability and choose MPs who can truly enhance their lives in the upcoming election.

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SINGAPORE: A recently published report, “Minimum Income Standard 2023: Household Budgets in a Time of Rising Costs,” unveils figures detailing the necessary income households require to maintain a basic standard of living, using the Minimum Income Standard (MIS) method.

The newly released study, spearheaded by Dr Ng Kok Hoe of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy (LKYSPP) specifically focuses on working-age households in 2021 and presents the latest MIS budgets, adjusted for inflation from 2020 to 2022.

The report detailed that:

  • The “reasonable starting point” for a living wage in Singapore was S$2,906 a month.
  • A single parent with a child aged two to six required S$3,218 per month.
  • Partnered parents with two children, one aged between seven and 12 and the other between 13 and 18, required S$6,426 a month.
  • A single elderly individual required S$1,421 a month.
  • Budgets for both single and partnered parent households averaged around S$1,600 per member. Given recent price inflation, these figures have risen by up to 5% in the current report.

Singapore Govt challenges MIS 2023 report’s representation of basic needs

Regrettably, on Thursday (14 Sept), the Finance Ministry (MOF), Manpower Ministry (MOM), and Ministry of Social and Family Development (MSF) jointly issued a statement dismissing the idea suggested by the report, claiming that minimum household income requirements amid inflation “might not accurately reflect basic needs”.

Instead, they claimed that findings should be seen as “what individuals would like to have.”, and further defended their stances for the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) and other measures to uplift lower-wage workers.

The government argued that “a universal wage floor is not necessarily the best way” to ensure decent wages for lower-wage workers.

The government’s statement also questions the methodology of the Minimum Income Standards (MIS) report, highlighting limitations such as its reliance on respondent profiles and group dynamics.

“The MIS approach used is highly dependent on respondent profiles and on group dynamics. As the focus groups included higher-income participants, the conclusions may not be an accurate reflection of basic needs.”

The joint statement claimed that the MIS approach included discretionary expenditure items such as jewellery, perfumes, and overseas holidays.

Lim Tean slams Government’s response to basic living income report

In response to the government’s defensive reaction to the recent basic living income report, Lim Tean, leader of the alternative party Peoples Voice (PV), strongly criticizes the government’s apparent reluctance to confront reality, stating, “It has its head buried in the sand”.

He strongly questioned the government’s endorsement of the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) as a means to uplift the living standards of the less fortunate in Singapore, describing it as a misguided approach.

In a Facebook video on Friday (15 Sept), Lim Tean highlighted that it has become a global norm, especially in advanced and first-world countries, to establish a minimum wage, commonly referred to as a living wage.

“Everyone is entitled to a living wage, to have a decent life, It is no use boasting that you are one of the richest countries in the world that you have massive reserves, if your citizens cannot have a decent life with a decent living wage.”

Lim Tean cited his colleague, Leong Sze Hian’s calculations, which revealed a staggering 765,800 individuals in Singapore, including Permanent Residents and citizens, may not earn the recommended living wage of $2,906, as advised by the MIS report.

“If you take away the migrant workers or the foreign workers, and take away those who do not work, underage, are children you know are unemployed, and the figure is staggering, isn’t it?”

“You know you are looking at a very substantial percentage of the workforce that do not have sufficient income to meet basic needs, according to this report.”

He reiterated that the opposition parties, including the People’s Voice and the People’s Alliance, have always called for a minimum wage, a living wage which the government refuses to countenance.

Scepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs

In a time of persistently high inflation, Lim Tean expressed skepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs.

He cautioned against believing in predictions of imminent inflation reduction and lower interest rates below 2%, labeling them as unrealistic.

Lim Tean urged Singaporeans to assess their own affordability in these challenging times, especially with the impending GST increase.

He warned that a 1% rise in GST could lead to substantial hikes in everyday expenses, particularly food prices.

Lim Tean expressed concern that the PAP had become detached from the financial struggles of everyday Singaporeans, citing their high salaries and perceived insensitivity to the common citizen’s plight.

Lim Tean urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices

Highlighting the importance of the upcoming election, Lim Tean recommended that citizens seriously evaluate the affordability of their lives.

“If you ask yourself about affordability, you will realise that you have no choice, In the coming election, but to vote in a massive number of opposition Members of Parliament, So that they can make a difference.”

Lim Tean emphasized the need to move beyond the traditional notion of providing checks and balances and encouraged voters to consider who could genuinely improve their lives.

“To me, the choice is very simple. It is whether you decide to continue with a life, that is going to become more and more expensive: More expensive housing, higher cost of living, jobs not secure because of the massive influx of foreign workers,” he declared.

“Or you choose members of Parliament who have your interests at heart and who want to make your lives better.”

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Political observers call for review of Singapore’s criteria of Presidential candidates and propose 5 year waiting period for political leaders

Singaporean political observers express concern over the significantly higher eligibility criteria for private-sector presidential candidates compared to public-sector candidates, calling for adjustments.

Some also suggest a five year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before allowed to partake in the presidential election.

Notably, The Workers’ Party has earlier reiterated its position that the current qualification criteria favor PAP candidates and has called for a return to a ceremonial presidency instead of an elected one.

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While the 2023 Presidential Election in Singapore concluded on Friday (1 September), discussions concerning the fairness and equity of the electoral system persist.

Several political observers contend that the eligibility criteria for private-sector individuals running for president are disproportionately high compared to those from the public sector, and they propose that adjustments be made.

They also recommend a five-year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before being allowed to participate in the presidential election.

Aspiring entrepreneur George Goh Ching Wah, announced his intention to in PE 2023 in June. However, His application as a candidate was unsuccessful, he failed to receive the Certificate of Eligibility (COE) on 18 August.

Mr Goh had expressed his disappointment in a statement after the ELD’s announcement, he said, the Presidential Elections Committee (PEC) took a very narrow interpretation of the requirements without explaining the rationale behind its decision.

As per Singapore’s Constitution, individuals running for the presidency from the private sector must have a minimum of three years’ experience as a CEO in a company.

This company should have consistently maintained an average shareholders’ equity of at least S$500 million and sustained profitability.

Mr Goh had pursued eligibility through the private sector’s “deliberative track,” specifically referring to section 19(4)(b)(2) of the Singapore Constitution.

He pointed out five companies he had led for over three years, collectively claiming a shareholders’ equity of S$1.521 billion.

Notably, prior to the 2016 revisions, the PEC might have had the authority to assess Mr Goh’s application similarly to how it did for Mr Tan Jee Say in the 2011 Presidential Election.

Yet, in its current formulation, the PEC is bound by the definitions laid out in the constitution.

Calls for equitable standards across public and private sectors

According to Singapore’s Chinese media outlet, Shin Min Daily News, Dr Felix Tan Thiam Kim, a political analyst at Nanyang Technological University (NTU) Singapore, noted that in 2016, the eligibility criteria for private sector candidates were raised from requiring them to be executives of companies with a minimum capital of S$100 million to CEOs of companies with at least S$500 million in shareholder equity.

However, the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates remained unchanged. He suggests that there is room for adjusting the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates.

Associate Professor Bilver Singh, Deputy Head of the Department of Political Science at the National University of Singapore, believes that the constitutional requirements for private-sector individuals interested in running are excessively stringent.

He remarked, “I believe it is necessary to reassess the relevant regulations.”

He points out that the current regulations are more favourable for former public officials seeking office and that the private sector faces notably greater challenges.

“While it may be legally sound, it may not necessarily be equitable,” he added.

Proposed five-year waiting period for political leaders eyeing presidential race

Moreover, despite candidates severing ties with their political parties in pursuit of office, shedding their political affiliations within a short timeframe remains a challenging endeavour.

A notable instance is Mr Tharman Shanmugaratnam, who resigned from the People’s Action Party (PAP) just slightly over a month before announcing his presidential candidacy, sparking considerable debate.

During a live broadcast, his fellow contender, Ng Kok Song, who formerly served as the Chief Investment Officer of GIC, openly questioned Mr Tharman’s rapid transition to a presidential bid shortly after leaving his party and government.

Dr Felix Tan suggests that in the future, political leaders aspiring to run for the presidency should not only resign from their parties but also adhere to a mandatory waiting period of at least five years before entering the race.

Cherian George and Kevin Y.L. Tan: “illogical ” to raise the corporate threshold in 2016

Indeed, the apprehension regarding the stringent eligibility criteria and concerns about fairness in presidential candidacy requirements are not limited to political analysts interviewed by Singapore’s mainstream media.

Prior to PE2023, CCherian George, a Professor of media studies at Hong Kong Baptist University, and Kevin Y.L. Tan, an Adjunct Professor at both the Faculty of Law of the National University of Singapore and the NTU’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), brought attention to the challenges posed by the qualification criteria for candidates vying for the Singaporean Presidency.

In their article titled “Why Singapore’s Next Elected President Should be One of its Last,” the scholars discussed the relevance of the current presidential election system in Singapore and floated the idea of returning to an appointed President, emphasizing the symbolic and unifying role of the office.

They highlighted that businessman George Goh appeared to be pursuing the “deliberative track” for qualification, which requires candidates to satisfy the PEC that their experience and abilities are comparable to those of a typical company’s chief executive with shareholder equity of at least S$500 million.

Mr Goh cobbles together a suite of companies under his management to meet the S$500m threshold.

The article also underscored the disparities between the eligibility criteria for candidates from the public and private sectors, serving as proxies for evaluating a candidate’s experience in handling complex financial matters.

“It is hard to see what financial experience the Chairman of the Public Service Commission or for that matter, the Chief Justice has, when compared to a Minister or a corporate chief.”

“The raising of the corporate threshold in 2016 is thus illogical and serves little purpose other than to simply reduce the number of potentially eligible candidates.”

The article also touches upon the issue of candidates’ independence from political parties, particularly the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP).

It mentions that candidates are expected to be non-partisan and independent, and it questions how government-backed candidates can demonstrate their independence given their previous affiliations.

The Workers’ Party advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency

It comes as no surprise that Singapore’s alternative party, the Workers’ Party, reaffirmed its stance on 30 August, asserting that they believe the existing qualifying criteria for presidential candidates are skewed in favour of those approved by the People’s Action Party (PAP).

They argue that the current format of the elected presidency (EP) undermines the principles of parliamentary democracy.

“It also serves as an unnecessary source of gridlock – one that could potentially cripple a non-PAP government within its first term – and is an alternative power centre that could lead to political impasses.”

Consistently, the Workers’ Party has been vocal about its objection to the elected presidency and has consistently called for its abolition.

Instead, they advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency, a position they have maintained for over three decades.

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