Commentaries
Multi-cornered elections and voter choice
By Howard Lee
Much has been said about the multi-cornered fight in the Punggol East By-Election.
When the Singapore Democratic Party pulled out at the eleventh hour, they were praised much for doing so. Reform Party’s Kenneth Jeyaretnam, on the other hand, had it tough from the word ‘go’, when alleged death threats were sent to him and his family in a bid to force him to withdraw.
Most of these narratives revolve around how a multi-cornered fight will negatively affect the political parties involved. These views range from the smaller parties being teased about losing their election deposits, to angry accusations that they will most certainly cause the Workers’ Party to lose.
Scant attention has been paid to how multi-cornered electoral battles affect voters. And despite 66% of Punggol East residents who responded to TOC’s ground survey claiming preference for a two-way contest, I tend to believe that a multi-cornered fight does more good than harm for voters.
Straight fights: The myth of opposition unity
First, let’s examine how this apprehension for multi-cornered fights came about. I have written earlier that, since GE2006, our opposition parties have tried to avoid multi-cornered fights to prevent diluting votes for the opposition. Multi-cornered fights were seen as a sure way of giving the seat to the dominant People’s Action Party.
This tactic has been associated with a desire for opposition unity. The ‘horse-trading’ that goes on before elections was a way for parties to see beyond their ideological differences and band together against the PAP. In truth, this unity is not any form of lasting partnership, or even an act of camaraderie. Put bluntly, it is a political game of ‘chope’, a unique practice in Singapore politics that is seldom seen in the rest of the world.
Perhaps WP’s Low Thia Kiang and RP’s Jeyaretnam were correct in flagging out the problems of opposition unity in Singapore. Ideological differences prevent our opposition parties from coming together. What they did not bother to ask was, do the parties really want to?
Ideological difference between opposition parties is what gives them their unique identity. It gave the SDP its reputation as a far-left party, as much as lead to claims that the WP is “PAP-lite”. Party ideology is the fundamental way that voters identify with a party. A party loses votes because its ideology does not gel with voters, or because it does not have a clear ideology to begin with. Political ideology is also the base upon which government coalitions are formed.
Political ideology affects the policy position that a party takes, but it does not account for the complete range of proposals that it will make. This explains why BE2013 exhibited very little difference between the proposals made for municipal issues – all candidates have identified near identical problems that they wish to resolve on the ground, although the exact methods vary.
What is more interesting is their take on national and policy issues, and for this, Punggol East residents have the luxury of a multi-cornered fight from which to decide which party’s ideology suits them best.
A wider choice of national agendas
PAP’s Koh Poh Koon has conducted much of his campaign with minimal mention of national issues. He did mention a wish to “push for policies to help more individuals and families to stand on their own two feet”, but scant details thereafter on what exactly he finds of need to address this. Koh has maintained a mostly municipal focus, although his senior party colleagues have chipped in support by referring to recently rolled-out policies as evidence of how the PAP has improved since GE2011. This is a risky association, as voters who do not accept that the PAP’s new directions are significant, in any degree, would likely reject Koh. But if you believe that Koh can change the PAP from within, vote for him.
RP’s Kenneth Jeyaretnam has by far been the most vocal in taking the PAP to task on its policies. Ranging from CPF withdrawal, cost of public housing and quality of healthcare, to his continued questioning of our pledge to the International Monetary Fund, Jeyaretnam professed to be the “best qualified and most prepared to hold the government to account on national issues”. Jeyaretnam can also claim credit as possibly the first candidate who offered to share rally time with an opponent, citing his wish for “opposition solidarity”. Nevertheless, RP’s lack of presence in Parliament would make it tough for voters to judge his ability to command policy discussions. But if you believe that Jeyaretnam can deliver his promise of “no broken promises” and offer a “real alternative”, vote for him.
SDA’s Desmond Lim, by far the most seasoned candidate, can also claim credit to be the most innovative candidate of the BE, using a series of online rallies not just to reach out to voters, but also to answer queries from participants. Lim used these videos to tackle a range of national issues, from education and healthcare to property prices and transport. Lim lacks the poise and statesmanship in these rallies, and has also been criticised by readers for his lack of verbal clarity. SDA also has to contend with the shadow of their poor showing in GE2011, which can call into question the party’s relevance and feel for voter sentiment. But if you believe that Lim has “the people’s interest at heart” and that this is sufficient to overcome his and his party’s shortfalls, vote for him.
WP’s Lee Li Lian, despite being the youngest candidate in this election, proved to have a heart for the elderly. Her proposal to lift Medisave withdrawal restrictions for the elderly even drew a rebuttal from Health Minister Gan Kim Yong. Lee also professed to champion mandatory paternity leave, citing the government’s latest revisions to the Marriage and Parenthood package as a signal that the WP has been effective as a check on the PAP. This theme of negative reinforcement, used to measure the WP against the PAP, has been taken up with too much gusto by her party seniors, in response to the PAP’s stand that the WP has not contributed to the national debate. But if you feel the WP has done all it could for a First World Parliament, and believe Lee can contribute towards that vision, vote for her.
Fringe benefits
Four candidates, four different choices, some highlighting the lack in another’s campaign. If it had been a straight fight between PAP and WP, choosing who to vote might have been a relatively limiting task of either affirming the PAP mandate or enhancing the WP’s Parliamentary watchdog role.
In addition, I believe the presence of three opposition candidates voicing out on national issues has forced the PAP to move away from casting BE2013 as a local election, and to touch more on the national agenda, limited in depth as that might be.
I also believed that, given the limited air-time for each candidate, we saw a deliberate avoidance of personal attacks. Instead, candidates were more focused on critiquing party agendas, which made for a healthier contest – indeed, one of the cleanest we have seen in decades.
What next, after the vote?
Come polling day, there will be only one victorious party, who will no doubt think the win gives them the mandate to do as their candidate has campaigned.
But that is a serious fallacy. A vote for a candidate is not an acknowledgement of perfection, sanctioning everything that he has promised or approved to the exclusion of alternatives. It is often a weighed decision, that a candidate has more proposals which the voter agrees with, rather than disagrees with.
If you are loyally committed to one party or candidate, and will vote for him/her whether you agree with all of his/her positions or not, that is your choice. If you are weighing every word and proposal made and feel that your preferred candidate is not perfect, while still the overall better option, you can still vote for him/her, for that is also your choice.
But having more candidates allows you to see the diversity of possibilities, and if there are nuggets of wisdom from the losers that you can push your elected representative to adopt, you have the right to do so.
And when you feel your elected representative has taken your vote for granted, make yourself heard, fight for the causes you believe in, vote him/her out the next round, or even stand and be counted.
For democracy is not just about the right to vote, but also the right to stand for election, be it a multi-cornered fight or not.
Commentaries
Lim Tean criticizes Govt’s rejection of basic income report, urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices
Lim Tean, leader of Peoples Voice (PV), criticizes the government’s defensive response to the basic living income report, accusing it of avoiding reality.
He calls on citizens to assess affordability and choose MPs who can truly enhance their lives in the upcoming election.
SINGAPORE: A recently published report, “Minimum Income Standard 2023: Household Budgets in a Time of Rising Costs,” unveils figures detailing the necessary income households require to maintain a basic standard of living, using the Minimum Income Standard (MIS) method.
The newly released study, spearheaded by Dr Ng Kok Hoe of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy (LKYSPP) specifically focuses on working-age households in 2021 and presents the latest MIS budgets, adjusted for inflation from 2020 to 2022.
The report detailed that:
- The “reasonable starting point” for a living wage in Singapore was S$2,906 a month.
- A single parent with a child aged two to six required S$3,218 per month.
- Partnered parents with two children, one aged between seven and 12 and the other between 13 and 18, required S$6,426 a month.
- A single elderly individual required S$1,421 a month.
- Budgets for both single and partnered parent households averaged around S$1,600 per member. Given recent price inflation, these figures have risen by up to 5% in the current report.
Singapore Govt challenges MIS 2023 report’s representation of basic needs
Regrettably, on Thursday (14 Sept), the Finance Ministry (MOF), Manpower Ministry (MOM), and Ministry of Social and Family Development (MSF) jointly issued a statement dismissing the idea suggested by the report, claiming that minimum household income requirements amid inflation “might not accurately reflect basic needs”.
Instead, they claimed that findings should be seen as “what individuals would like to have.”, and further defended their stances for the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) and other measures to uplift lower-wage workers.
The government argued that “a universal wage floor is not necessarily the best way” to ensure decent wages for lower-wage workers.
The government’s statement also questions the methodology of the Minimum Income Standards (MIS) report, highlighting limitations such as its reliance on respondent profiles and group dynamics.
“The MIS approach used is highly dependent on respondent profiles and on group dynamics. As the focus groups included higher-income participants, the conclusions may not be an accurate reflection of basic needs.”
The joint statement claimed that the MIS approach included discretionary expenditure items such as jewellery, perfumes, and overseas holidays.
Lim Tean slams Government’s response to basic living income report
In response to the government’s defensive reaction to the recent basic living income report, Lim Tean, leader of the alternative party Peoples Voice (PV), strongly criticizes the government’s apparent reluctance to confront reality, stating, “It has its head buried in the sand”.
He strongly questioned the government’s endorsement of the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) as a means to uplift the living standards of the less fortunate in Singapore, describing it as a misguided approach.
In a Facebook video on Friday (15 Sept), Lim Tean highlighted that it has become a global norm, especially in advanced and first-world countries, to establish a minimum wage, commonly referred to as a living wage.
“Everyone is entitled to a living wage, to have a decent life, It is no use boasting that you are one of the richest countries in the world that you have massive reserves, if your citizens cannot have a decent life with a decent living wage.”
Lim Tean cited his colleague, Leong Sze Hian’s calculations, which revealed a staggering 765,800 individuals in Singapore, including Permanent Residents and citizens, may not earn the recommended living wage of $2,906, as advised by the MIS report.
“If you take away the migrant workers or the foreign workers, and take away those who do not work, underage, are children you know are unemployed, and the figure is staggering, isn’t it?”
“You know you are looking at a very substantial percentage of the workforce that do not have sufficient income to meet basic needs, according to this report.”
He reiterated that the opposition parties, including the People’s Voice and the People’s Alliance, have always called for a minimum wage, a living wage which the government refuses to countenance.
Scepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs
In a time of persistently high inflation, Lim Tean expressed skepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs.
He cautioned against believing in predictions of imminent inflation reduction and lower interest rates below 2%, labeling them as unrealistic.
Lim Tean urged Singaporeans to assess their own affordability in these challenging times, especially with the impending GST increase.
He warned that a 1% rise in GST could lead to substantial hikes in everyday expenses, particularly food prices.
Lim Tean expressed concern that the PAP had become detached from the financial struggles of everyday Singaporeans, citing their high salaries and perceived insensitivity to the common citizen’s plight.
Lim Tean urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices
Highlighting the importance of the upcoming election, Lim Tean recommended that citizens seriously evaluate the affordability of their lives.
“If you ask yourself about affordability, you will realise that you have no choice, In the coming election, but to vote in a massive number of opposition Members of Parliament, So that they can make a difference.”
Lim Tean emphasized the need to move beyond the traditional notion of providing checks and balances and encouraged voters to consider who could genuinely improve their lives.
“To me, the choice is very simple. It is whether you decide to continue with a life, that is going to become more and more expensive: More expensive housing, higher cost of living, jobs not secure because of the massive influx of foreign workers,” he declared.
“Or you choose members of Parliament who have your interests at heart and who want to make your lives better.”
Commentaries
Political observers call for review of Singapore’s criteria of Presidential candidates and propose 5 year waiting period for political leaders
Singaporean political observers express concern over the significantly higher eligibility criteria for private-sector presidential candidates compared to public-sector candidates, calling for adjustments.
Some also suggest a five year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before allowed to partake in the presidential election.
Notably, The Workers’ Party has earlier reiterated its position that the current qualification criteria favor PAP candidates and has called for a return to a ceremonial presidency instead of an elected one.
While the 2023 Presidential Election in Singapore concluded on Friday (1 September), discussions concerning the fairness and equity of the electoral system persist.
Several political observers contend that the eligibility criteria for private-sector individuals running for president are disproportionately high compared to those from the public sector, and they propose that adjustments be made.
They also recommend a five-year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before being allowed to participate in the presidential election.
Aspiring entrepreneur George Goh Ching Wah, announced his intention to in PE 2023 in June. However, His application as a candidate was unsuccessful, he failed to receive the Certificate of Eligibility (COE) on 18 August.
Mr Goh had expressed his disappointment in a statement after the ELD’s announcement, he said, the Presidential Elections Committee (PEC) took a very narrow interpretation of the requirements without explaining the rationale behind its decision.
As per Singapore’s Constitution, individuals running for the presidency from the private sector must have a minimum of three years’ experience as a CEO in a company.
This company should have consistently maintained an average shareholders’ equity of at least S$500 million and sustained profitability.
Mr Goh had pursued eligibility through the private sector’s “deliberative track,” specifically referring to section 19(4)(b)(2) of the Singapore Constitution.
He pointed out five companies he had led for over three years, collectively claiming a shareholders’ equity of S$1.521 billion.
Notably, prior to the 2016 revisions, the PEC might have had the authority to assess Mr Goh’s application similarly to how it did for Mr Tan Jee Say in the 2011 Presidential Election.
Yet, in its current formulation, the PEC is bound by the definitions laid out in the constitution.
Calls for equitable standards across public and private sectors
According to Singapore’s Chinese media outlet, Shin Min Daily News, Dr Felix Tan Thiam Kim, a political analyst at Nanyang Technological University (NTU) Singapore, noted that in 2016, the eligibility criteria for private sector candidates were raised from requiring them to be executives of companies with a minimum capital of S$100 million to CEOs of companies with at least S$500 million in shareholder equity.
However, the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates remained unchanged. He suggests that there is room for adjusting the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates.
Associate Professor Bilver Singh, Deputy Head of the Department of Political Science at the National University of Singapore, believes that the constitutional requirements for private-sector individuals interested in running are excessively stringent.
He remarked, “I believe it is necessary to reassess the relevant regulations.”
He points out that the current regulations are more favourable for former public officials seeking office and that the private sector faces notably greater challenges.
“While it may be legally sound, it may not necessarily be equitable,” he added.
Proposed five-year waiting period for political leaders eyeing presidential race
Moreover, despite candidates severing ties with their political parties in pursuit of office, shedding their political affiliations within a short timeframe remains a challenging endeavour.
A notable instance is Mr Tharman Shanmugaratnam, who resigned from the People’s Action Party (PAP) just slightly over a month before announcing his presidential candidacy, sparking considerable debate.
During a live broadcast, his fellow contender, Ng Kok Song, who formerly served as the Chief Investment Officer of GIC, openly questioned Mr Tharman’s rapid transition to a presidential bid shortly after leaving his party and government.
Dr Felix Tan suggests that in the future, political leaders aspiring to run for the presidency should not only resign from their parties but also adhere to a mandatory waiting period of at least five years before entering the race.
Cherian George and Kevin Y.L. Tan: “illogical ” to raise the corporate threshold in 2016
Indeed, the apprehension regarding the stringent eligibility criteria and concerns about fairness in presidential candidacy requirements are not limited to political analysts interviewed by Singapore’s mainstream media.
Prior to PE2023, CCherian George, a Professor of media studies at Hong Kong Baptist University, and Kevin Y.L. Tan, an Adjunct Professor at both the Faculty of Law of the National University of Singapore and the NTU’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), brought attention to the challenges posed by the qualification criteria for candidates vying for the Singaporean Presidency.
In their article titled “Why Singapore’s Next Elected President Should be One of its Last,” the scholars discussed the relevance of the current presidential election system in Singapore and floated the idea of returning to an appointed President, emphasizing the symbolic and unifying role of the office.
They highlighted that businessman George Goh appeared to be pursuing the “deliberative track” for qualification, which requires candidates to satisfy the PEC that their experience and abilities are comparable to those of a typical company’s chief executive with shareholder equity of at least S$500 million.
Mr Goh cobbles together a suite of companies under his management to meet the S$500m threshold.
The article also underscored the disparities between the eligibility criteria for candidates from the public and private sectors, serving as proxies for evaluating a candidate’s experience in handling complex financial matters.
“It is hard to see what financial experience the Chairman of the Public Service Commission or for that matter, the Chief Justice has, when compared to a Minister or a corporate chief.”
“The raising of the corporate threshold in 2016 is thus illogical and serves little purpose other than to simply reduce the number of potentially eligible candidates.”
The article also touches upon the issue of candidates’ independence from political parties, particularly the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP).
It mentions that candidates are expected to be non-partisan and independent, and it questions how government-backed candidates can demonstrate their independence given their previous affiliations.
The Workers’ Party advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency
It comes as no surprise that Singapore’s alternative party, the Workers’ Party, reaffirmed its stance on 30 August, asserting that they believe the existing qualifying criteria for presidential candidates are skewed in favour of those approved by the People’s Action Party (PAP).
They argue that the current format of the elected presidency (EP) undermines the principles of parliamentary democracy.
“It also serves as an unnecessary source of gridlock – one that could potentially cripple a non-PAP government within its first term – and is an alternative power centre that could lead to political impasses.”
Consistently, the Workers’ Party has been vocal about its objection to the elected presidency and has consistently called for its abolition.
Instead, they advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency, a position they have maintained for over three decades.
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