Apple Vision Pro: A technological leap forward, but is it enough to disrupt the market?

Apple’s Vision Pro, a groundbreaking device in spatial computing, blends VR and AR with high-quality displays and state-of-the-art processing power. Experts compare its potential impact to the original iPhone revolution. However, challenges such as cost, weight, and limited battery life persist. The device is expected to ignite a new era in VR and AR experiences, with its ultimate success hinging on user acceptance, innovative application development, and the handling of its high price point.

Elected presidency in Singapore: A reflection on late Ong Teng Cheong’s legacy and questions on Tharman’s independence

As Senior Minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam prepares for his presidential bid, questions arise about his potential effectiveness and independence as a check on the PAP-led government. Lessons from the tenure of the late ‘People’s President’, Ong Teng Cheong, indicate a presidency filled with challenges. Singaporeans must contemplate whether Tharman can separate his political past from PAP or if his tenure will mirror previous presidencies. This dilemma, paired with Tharman’s roles in reserve management, adds a layer of complexity to the upcoming election.

Sengkang MP Louis Chua’s “self-invitation” to HDB event, while unelected PAP candidates turn up with Govt representatives

Elected Workers’ Party MP for Sengkang GRC, Louis Chua, attended an HDB event in his constituency without a formal invite, raising questions about the exclusion of non-PAP MPs from local initiatives. In contrast, unelected People’s Action Party (PAP) figures, including Dr Lam Pin Min and Mr Ling Weihong, actively participated in the event. On 4 June, Mr Chua expressed his surprise on Facebook at not being invited to the event. He stated, “As neither a PA-appointed grassroots adviser nor a grassroots leader, I don’t think I received an invitation from the HDB.” Despite this oversight, Mr Chua attended the event as a community member and noted that he had the “great pleasure of connecting informally with many excited residents.” Elected WP MPs have not been appointed as advisers to the PA GROs in the same way that PAP MPs— even those who are unelected— have in other constituencies. As a result, they are not permitted to attend events like the Edusave Awards ceremony.

Who resides at 24 Ridout Road? Why was the greenery cleared along with 26 Ridout?

Simultaneous land clearance at 24 and 26 Ridout Road, rented by Minister K Shanmugam, provokes speculation. Could the residents at 24 Ridout Road be connected to the Minister? Repeated requests for clarification about the residents of 24 Ridout Road to the SLA have been met with silence.

Humble Ministers’ Abode or Palatial Retreat? A Closer Look at the Ministers’ Black-and-White Houses

The grandeur of the estates occupied by Singapore’s Cabinet Ministers K Shanmugam and Vivian Balakrishnan, the Singapore Land Authority’s role in its maintenance and upgrades, and extensive tree clearance starkly contrast with the humble image projected by SLA’s latest TikTok videos and Facebook comments for these black-and-white houses. Far from being a humble abode, 26 Ridout Road, previously occupied by Biscuit Baron, Rajan Pillai and now Minister K Shanmugam was once characterized in a 1995 New Paper report as a veritable palace.

How Minister K Shanmugam’s response obfuscates the allegations of Ridout estates

Minister for Home Affairs and Law, K Shanmugam, addressed serious allegations about residential properties by requesting an independent review. However, his response seemingly conflates various issues, potentially misrepresenting the allegations. The true concerns aren’t about illegal tree felling or car porch construction, but about whether proper procedures were followed and appropriate permissions were granted. And most importantly whether there was a potential conflict of interest leasing a property from the SLA, an entity the Minister for Law oversees.

Just how much are the Ministers paying for their black-and-white colonial bungalows?

Questions surround the residences of Minister for Home Affairs and Law, K Shanmugam, and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Vivian Balakrishnan, amidst recent social media posts by Kenneth Jeyaretnam. As debate swirls about whether these ministers are paying below market value for their grand colonial bungalows on Ridout Road, Singaporeans await the upcoming July parliamentary session for answers from the Singapore Land Authority (SLA) about the true cost of ministerial living.

Why did SLA know about Minister Shanmugam’s communication with a senior Cabinet member?

A vital question emerges from the recent debate over Ministers K Shanmugam and Vivian Balakrishnan’s residences: Why was the Singapore Land Authority (SLA) aware of internal ministerial communications regarding property bids? The disclosure of such knowledge in an SLA press release hints at possible ministerial influence over the agency, raising questions about the fairness of the bidding process and warranting further public scrutiny.

Did Singapore Land Authority build a carpark shelter for the Minister of Law?

Questions are raised as it is revealed that Singapore Land Authority’s (SLA) assumed the role as the developer at Minister K Shanmugam’s rented property at 26 Ridout Road, including a sheltered car park and other renovations due to the typical expectation that tenants would handle such work. Furthermore, there appears to be an absence of Urban Redevelopment Authority’s (URA) written approval for certain constructions, such as a roundabout and a larger swimming pool. As public demand for clarity grows, all eyes are on the upcoming July Parliamentary sitting for answers from both the SLA and the Ministers.

A matter of complicity: Singapore’s role in Myanmar’s arms trade

Tom Andrews, the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, exposed Singapore’s role in the arms trade with Myanmar’s military. While the Singaporean government denies involvement, Andrews’ report reveals the flow of US$254 million worth of supplies facilitated by Singaporean entities and banks. Though specific companies remain undisclosed, Justice for Myanmar has identified Singapore-based entities previously involved in arming the military.