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Revitalizing democracy in Southeast Asia: Grassroots efforts, youth engagement, and international support

Simone Galimberti highlights the importance of grassroots activism, youth engagement, and international support to revitalize democracy in Southeast Asia. It emphasizes the role of students, global organizations, and bottom-up democratic approaches in promoting human rights and political freedoms.

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by Simone Galimberti

The 15th of September is celebrated internationally as the International Day of Democracy.

It is a United Nations-sanctioned day, one of the many recognized by the international body to highlight important issues that affect the planet and humanity.

Considering how the member states are so divided on matters of human rights and democracy, it is almost a miracle that there was an agreement to observe an international day on these issues.

Yet, perhaps commemorating this day is not totally surprising considering that even the most heinous regimes consider themselves, at least on paper, adhering to and respecting democratic norms and principles.

In this regard, the Asia Pacific is a global trailblazer, setting a high bar on trumping and stifling civil and political rights and within the wider region, South East Asia is doing its bits to contribute and preserve this track record.

As highlighted by the ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) in a press release on occasion of International Day of Democracy, “ ASEAN has not shown serious efforts to promote universal values of democracy in its member states such as respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms; holding free and fair elections; a pluralistic system of political parties and organizations; separation of powers; independence of the branches of government; freedom of expression and the press; and constitutional subordination of all state institutions to the legally constituted civilian authority”.

The specific theme of this year is the role of Artificial Intelligence to promote or destroy the democratic fabric of our societies.

I am not going to touch on it, not because it is an unimportant issue but because it is essential to talk more about the fundamentals, as underscored by APHR.

I will focus on possible remedies and practical, actionable, concrete initiatives that could really re-energize and re-vitalize democracy and human rights.

First, we need a massive effort at the grassroots level.

The same passion and commitment put into promoting the fight against climate warming and biodiversity degradation should also be shared to promote democracy and human rights.

Indeed, we need an overarching effort to engage the youths of the region in civic actions that can have direct repercussions on improving and enhancing the quality of democracy in the South East Asia.

It is not going to be easy as both students and their higher learning institutions in which they study, are conveniently brushing aside any discussion on human rights and democracy.

Second, the role of the international community.

International philanthropies organizations, human rights organizations working globally have a special responsibility to try to generate interest among the great numbers of detached, insulated and disinterested students of the region.

As we know, it is not that there is apathy and cynicism among them throughout the region. There are best practices, and we can look at the vigour put by students in Thailand to assert their rights and defend democracy.

Those members of the international community valuing democracy and, at least in words, profess steadfast, unflinching support for human rights, no matter risking of being accused of hypocrisy when they sign business deals with authoritarian and semi-democratic regimes of South East Asia, must play a big role.

While it is difficult, often impractical and inconvenient to raise issues of democracy and human rights in the official nations ‘ interactions, we should invest huge sums to support discussions and debate on these issues with local youths.

Ambassadors from these nations should be much more proactive and prioritize public engagements with youths and students.

While in diplomacy, pragmatism and real politick reign supreme, there is nothing that prevents the representatives of nations caring about democracy and human rights from stepping up their efforts.

Funding, even small grants, should be made available to support micro initiatives around human rights and democracy, offering students and young people channels to discuss topics that too often are ignored and neglected.

When their high-ranking senior officials do visit the capitals of South East Asia, they should always prioritize meeting with students and youths.

Such dialogues, even though they are just rich in symbolism and nothing else, would offer a way to embolden new generations to think differently.

Let’s not forget that the United Nations has been recently trying to highlight the importance of human rights to achieve sustainable development.

It means, for example, that climate change cannot be fought without giving people a voice and respecting their rights.

The Secretary General of the United Nations has been pushing to underscore the essentials of human rights through his Call to Action for Human Rights.

That’s why the regional office in Bangkok, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, plays such a vital role.

It should be equipped with more resources to scale its work in the region, also considering the active role played by the High Commissioner, Volker Türk through his initiative, Human Rights: A Path for Solutions, to commemorate, last year, the 75th anniversary of the adaption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR).

But then we need to tackle what it is, according to APHR, the defining issue, “integrating the institutionalization of democracy norms and promotion into the drafting of the ASEAN Vision 2045, which is set to be adopted in 2025 as the realization of the ASEAN Charter’s promises to strengthen democracy in the region”.

On this case, more awareness and knowledge on the part of the youths on democracy and human rights should lead to an overall discussion on the future of ASEAN.

Like all regional cooperation projects, ASEAN is, by definition, an elite initiative that is far from the day to day lives of the people.

This year and the next one are going to be fundamental for the future of the bloc.

Citizens, with the help of media outlets and with the involvement of social influencers who should espouse the cause, must take an informed interest on the ongoing negotiations on the future of ASEAN.

Ideally schools and universities should debate the way forward for this institution that is so remote and aloof that no one really cares about.

Lastly, we should remind ourselves that the status of democracy is ailing everywhere and not only in the South East Asia.

While we should enable the new generations to get engaged and involved, it is indispensable to find ways to improve the current existing model based on representations and elections.

It is high time that bottom up, deliberative forms of democracy are taken into consideration and given the due importance.

There are many ways to do so by putting the people and especially the youths at the center not only of the conversation but also at the center of the decision making.

While localized, endogenous ways must be found to strengthen democracy in the South East Asia, it is essential to reflect on how to do it.

It is indispensable to make democracy and human rights stronger by rethinking the way democracy works, making it more inclusive and participatory.

The author writes about development, regional integration and democracy and human rights in the Asia Pacific

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Opinion

Why wasn’t Tan Kin Lian’s FB post POFMA’d despite PUB’s clarification?

Despite PUB identifying factual inaccuracies in Tan Kin Lian’s post, no POFMA notice was issued, and he has not amended his post. This raises concerns about selective enforcement, as other cases have seen swift POFMA orders even without prior clarification.

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On 28 September, 2024, former NTUC Income CEO and presidential candidate Tan Kin Lian (TKL) posted on Facebook about the takeover of the Tuaspring Desalination Plant by Singapore’s Public Utilities Board (PUB).

TKL had commented that PUB had acquired the plant “for free, at the expense of the investors and bondholders of Hyflux”.

He also suggested that the Tuas NEWater Factory and the Tuaspring Desalination Plant were located at the same site.

This post drew a public response from PUB, which flagged two significant factual inaccuracies.

PUB clarified that the Tuaspring Desalination Plant and the Tuas NEWater Factory are distinct facilities, located about 6 kilometres apart.

Furthermore, PUB stated that it had not acquired the Tuaspring plant “for free”.

According to the PUB, the plant was independently valued at a negative value, meaning Hyflux would have owed compensation to PUB, which was waived due to Hyflux’s financial crisis.

PUB emphasised that its actions did not disadvantage Hyflux’s investors, contradicting TKL’s assertion.

Despite these corrections, no Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA) correction notice has been issued against TKL.

However, while PUB’s statement highlights factual inaccuracies, some of Tan’s assertions may carry weight given the circumstances of the takeover and Hyflux’s financial collapse.

The plant was indeed taken over for zero dollars, with PUB waiving compensation from TPL.

The waiver, while justified by PUB as a necessity to safeguard water operations, still meant that Hyflux’s creditors, including 34,000 perpetual securities and preference shareholders owed approximately $900 million, were left empty-handed from the sale of the water plant.

This outcome arguably made the recovery of financial losses less possible for retail investors who had placed their faith in the once-renowned water management firm.

PUB’s statement further explained that its actions did not weaken Hyflux or exacerbate the situation for bondholders.

However, the broader context reveals that Hyflux’s collapse, largely due to mounting debts and mismanagement, severely impacted its investors, many of whom were left with substantial losses.

Whether PUB’s actions could have been different is a matter of debate, as Tan’s criticism reflects the frustration of retail investors who felt sidelined during Hyflux’s downfall.

Double Standards in POFMA Enforcement?

Nevertheless, the case before us raises serious questions about whether POFMA is being applied consistently or if its enforcement is selective.

Under POFMA, government ministers can issue correction notices or takedown orders if a statement about their ministries is deemed false and harmful to the public. However, the decision to invoke POFMA appears inconsistent when examining how similar cases have been handled in the past.

For example, correction orders have often been issued quickly, without first engaging the individual or media outlet responsible for the misinformation to correct their statement or include notes to clarify. This has happened even when the media was merely reporting a statement made by a third party and was not the originator of the alleged false information.

On the other end, you have cases such as how the Singapore Housing and Development Board (HDB) flagged an error in a report by Channel News Asia (CNA) concerning the valuation of the Lease Buyback Scheme, without issuing a POFMA correction notice.

In this case, CNA quietly amended its article and added an editor’s note without any POFMA notice being served.

This lenient approach contrasts sharply with other situations where POFMA orders were swiftly issued, often without public engagement or clarification.

When asked about the standards for issuing POFMA correction directions and when clarifications are made, Minister for National Development Desmond Lee declined to respond. Mr Lee had previously issued four correction directions within a matter of days.

Such instances highlight a lack of consistent engagement before the full force of POFMA is applied.

The law has also been enforced more vigorously in cases involving opposition politicians or sensitive topics.

For instance, during the COVID-19 pandemic, several POFMA orders were issued to social media users for allegedly spreading misinformation about government policies.

Similarly, POFMA orders were issued after Minister K Shanmugam, the architect of the law, directed corrections on matters related to law enforcement and on the controversy surrounding the leasing of Ridout Road properties, in which he was personally involved.

In these cases, no opportunity for clarification or voluntary correction was extended prior to the issuance of POFMA orders, further illustrating the inconsistent application of the law.

While PUB’s clarification addressed the factual errors in TKL’s post, the decision not to issue a POFMA notice raises concerns about selective enforcement.

The broad discretionary power given to ministers under POFMA enables them to decide when a correction is necessary.

This ability to decide, without clear guidelines or standards for intervention, contributes to public scepticism about the fairness of POFMA’s enforcement.

While many disagree with the existence of POFMA, as it risks stifling free speech and open debate, its arbitrary enforcement is an even more serious concern.

The selective use of POFMA indicates a drift towards rule by law rather than rule of law, where the application of legal measures is determined by convenience rather than principle.

Such practices erode trust in the legal system and raise serious concerns about the impartiality of governance in Singapore.

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Opinion

Iswaran’s single-cell placement: Reflections on prison life in solitary vs shared cells

Former minister S Iswaran has been placed in a single-man cell due to security risks, according to the Singapore Prison Service. Terry shares his personal reflection on the differences in comfort between solitary confinement and shared prison cells.

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Former Singapore transport minister S Iswaran, now serving a 12-month prison sentence, has been placed in a single-man cell due to concerns for his safety and security.

The Singapore Prison Service (SPS) confirmed this arrangement following an assessment upon his arrival. The decision was made to reduce potential risks associated with placing him in a shared cell with other inmates.

SPS explained that Iswaran’s cell measures 6.9 square metres and includes basic toilet facilities.

He has been provided with a straw mat and two blankets for sleeping, similar to other inmates.

Despite the public interest in his case, SPS has clarified that Iswaran is subject to the same prison rules and regulations as any other inmate.

Inmates are routinely subjected to a safety, security, and medical assessment upon their admission.

During this process, all personal belongings are collected for safekeeping, and inmates undergo searches for contraband before being examined by a Prison Medical Officer. Basic necessities, such as toiletries and clothing, are provided to all inmates, including Iswaran.

While single-man cells are used when safety or security concerns are present, most prison cells in Singapore can accommodate up to four or eight inmates, depending on each prisoner’s assessed risk level and needs.

SPS also noted that inmates with serious medical conditions are placed in specialised medical units, but in Iswaran’s case, the use of a single cell was strictly related to security concerns.

Like other inmates, Iswaran is allowed contact with his family, including two visits per month—one of which may be face-to-face—and the option to send up to four electronic letters. These arrangements help maintain prisoners’ social ties while they serve their sentences.

My reflection: Comparing single and shared prison cells

When I first entered prison in 2022 for the criminal defamation of cabinet members for corruption—oh, the irony—I was placed in a single-man cell for nine days, not for safety or security reasons, but due to COVID-19 isolation protocols designed to prevent the spread of infection.

Following this period, I was moved into a four-man cell with another two other inmates for the remainder of my sentence. My experience in both types of cells gave me a clear understanding of their differences in terms of comfort and practical living conditions.

The single cell I was placed in during isolation was around 6.9 square metres, including toilet facilities.

The space was small, with just a straw mat and two blankets (rolled up as a pillow) for sleeping.

While the living conditions were basic, the fact that I had the cell to myself allowed for a degree of privacy. Having a toilet to myself, for example, meant I didn’t need to coordinate its use with others, which made day-to-day living simpler.

After my isolation ended, I was moved into a four-man cell. The shared cell, at about 10 square metres, provided far less space per person. Each inmate had around 2.5 to 3.3 square metres, and it quickly became clear that living in a shared space required constant coordination.

With four men in a confined space, managing access to basic facilities like the toilet and shower became more complicated. Inmates had to be mindful of each other’s schedules and needs, as the cell was too small for everyone to use these facilities simultaneously.

In the shared cell, sleeping arrangements were also more restricted. With limited space, inmates sometimes had to sleep in close proximity, often side by side.

In the three-man configuration, each inmate could sleep side by side, and the spot near the door was considered the best because a slight breeze could enter through a small opening. However, the spot closest to the toilet was less desirable due to the odours and frequent disturbances when others needed to use it.

In a four-man configuration, the situation became even more cramped. With the additional person, inmates would have to adjust their sleeping positions so that everyone could fit. While you still can sleep side by side, most inmates would choose to sleep with their feet positioned near someone else’s head.

Another significant difference between the two settings was the temperature and air circulation. In the shared cell, with multiple bodies in such a small space and no air conditioning, the room could become quite warm.

Most of us would take off our shirts to cope with the heat during the day, though we had to dress appropriately for the guards’ roll calls. In the single cell, managing the heat was easier, as I could take more frequent showers and cool down without having to consider the impact on others.

The lack of privacy and space in the shared cell made everyday tasks more challenging. Inmates had to coordinate and time their activities to ensure everyone had access to the limited facilities. Bathing also had to be managed carefully to avoid splashing water onto others, as the confined space made it difficult to avoid disturbing cellmates.

In contrast, the nine days I spent in the single-man cell, though solitary, allowed me to maintain more control over my personal space and routine. I could use the toilet, shower, and move around without needing to consider the schedules or preferences of others. While being isolated might seem undesirable, the absence of conflict and the ability to manage my own space made the single cell experience far more manageable.

Although some claim online that solitary confinement drives people crazy, inmates like Iswaran—unlike those on death row—are permitted one hour outside their cell each day and, on some days, yard time, except on Sundays. If religious activities are conducted, inmates are also allowed time outside to participate.

While there is a limit on how many letters an inmate can send out, there is apparently no limit on how many people can send letters to him via the tablet, which he does not need to share in a single cell. Iswaran could have someone regularly send him electronic letters to stay updated on events outside.

In summary, the single-man cell, though basic and isolated, provided a level of comfort that the shared cell could not. The additional space, privacy, and control over daily activities in the single cell made it a preferable option.

While living with others in a shared cell required constant compromise and coordination, the solitary nature of the single cell simplified the challenges of prison life.

Based on my experience, the single cell offered a more practical and comfortable environment for coping with the conditions of imprisonment.

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