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WP’s He Ting Ru seeks clarifications on intellectual property rights, consumer impact, exceptions introduced in Copyright Bill

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COPYRIGHT BILL

Speech by Ms He Ting Ru (Sengkang GRC MP) — Parliament, 13 September

Mr Speaker, the Copyright Bill before us today was described by WIPO Magazine as Singapore’s biggest copyright reform in 30 years, and is drawn from an extended period of public consultation which started in 2016.

The objectives of the Bill are laudable, and include upholding Singapore’s international obligations relating to intellectual property (IP), updating and rationalising various aspects of our existing laws on IP, and improving accessibility to and ease of understanding these laws.

Critically, it also confers upon authors and performers the moral right to be identified, and includes provisions governing fair usage of IP matters. It is these final two elements of the Bill that I will concentrate my speech on.

Rights of creators and performers

First, on the granting of new rights for creators and performers. Divisions 1 and 2 of Part 7 automatically grant authors the right to be identified in relation to the works they produce, and for performers to be identified with their performances.

This is a welcome step further than the current regime, under which creators and performers only have a right to prevent the false attribution of another person as the author or performer.

We support the recognition of intellectual property in the works of authors and performers, yet, I believe that there is room for us to expand such recognition.

In many other jurisdictions — for example, the UK, US, Australia, New Zealand and various European countries — creators and performers earn residual payments, or royalties, for the use of their works and performances.

For example, writers and actors of television programmes broadcast by the British Broadcasting Corporation (the BBC) earn royalties.

This is in contrast to the situation in Singapore, where writers and actors of Mediacorp television programmes do not earn royalties.

It is further notable that creators and performers have organised themselves into guilds and unions, such as the powerful British performers’ union “Equity” and the Writers’ Guild of Great Britain, which have not only been crucial in fighting for better pay and working conditions for their members, but are also key in protecting such practitioners and their livelihoods in the wake of the devastation wrought by COVID-19, by negotiating with employers to improve working terms and conditions, improve and ensure diversity in their ranks. They also have a right to be consulted on various matters.

The ability to have such representation and rights recognised was particularly important as the industry was wrecked by the lockdowns and restrictions brought on by the Coronavirus, and will be key in helping them to weather any future major disruptions.

In contrast, the Screenwriters’ Association (Singapore) — while doing good work for the training and development of its members — does not have the power to negotiate minimum standards and protections for its members, and is limited to providing feedback to IMDA focus group meetings upon invitation.

The system in Singapore surrounding creative practitioners is therefore still very much tied with the involvement and endorsement of the Government.

Therefore, the Workers’ Party would support a move that goes even further than the current Bill in giving more rights, protections and rewards to creators and performers to be in line with those in developed countries.

With this in mind, I would like to ask if the Government intends to go even further to recognise the rights of creators and performers for them to receive royalty payments? Is the change in copyright law meant to be a step in that direction?

A further question arises about the presumptions that apply for authorial works that are first published in Singapore, as contained in Clause 167. I note that these assert a territorially-premised copyright claim.

However, it is less clear what are the protections and provisions available for international enforcement of such claims.

What cross-border legal resources are available, and are these embedded within the new Copyright protection regime? These are not abstract and theoretical questions, as recently seen in the case of a dispute that arose earlier this year over one of our beloved National Day songs.

Exceptions introduced by the Bill

Second, I wish to raise a number of considerations and clarifications relating to the exceptions introduced by the Bill, primarily the change from a “fair dealing” to a “fair use” exception, which form an extensive part of the Bill.

Division 2 of the Bill replaces the fair dealings provisions in sections 35, 36, 37, 109, 110 and 111 of the existing Act with the concept of fair use, which “depend on the facts,” while being subject to the considerations specified in Clause 191.

This shifts the treatment of alleged copyright infringements away from the fair dealings doctrine — the treatment under English law, where violations must fall into categories defined in the statue — toward a more open-ended fair use doctrine, the approach adopted in the US, where factors need not match any exhaustive list.

Importantly, the Bill’s open-ended fair use exception now means that the courts need to determine whether the fair use exception applies. I note that this discretion opens up the possibility of significant ambiguity, particularly in the beginning without a body of case law to back it up.

This is especially in the case of online content, and for themes that are deliberately ambiguous, such as memes or parody.

Given that an increasing number of Singaporeans are creating online content, will the Minister provide any further clarification on what would constitute fair use, or would this await the guidance of the courts when the matter has been taken to litigation?

This could be confusing for existing content creators, who might only have guidance to what would constitute “fair use” of their works by undertaking costly and time-consuming litigation over the potential infringement of their ownership rights.

Would IPOS provide specific illustrations of when a use connotes fair use versus when it would not? Such an approach would further the Government’s purpose for introducing the fair use exception, in particular, to “create an environment conducive to the development of creative works”.

One potential way forward would be for industry associations to take the lead and issue guidelines on what “fair use” would look like for their particular industry, an approach that the Ministry of Law appears to have considered, as mentioned in the 2019 MinLaw and IPOS Copyright Review Report.

Would the Ministry provide an update on whether industry efforts are currently underway to develop such guidelines?

Moving on to a new exception contained in Part 5 Division 8, which is for the reproduction of works for text and data mining.

This applies to both commercial and non-commercial activities, and would permit reproduction of works and recordings of performances for “computational data analysis”, including the preparation of works for analysis.

There are protective conditions in Clause 244(2), which, amongst others, specify that the user must have had lawful access to the work or recording.

While I do see that this is a helpful and necessary exception to have, particularly in the advent of more and more powerful AI capabilities and Singapore’s drive to be a Smart Nation, it remains to be seen in the real world if the safeguards and conditions are sufficient to balance protecting the rights and commercial interests of copyright holders against allowing legitimate use of copyrighted material for text and data mining purposes.

Consumer impact

Finally, I wish to turn to the impact on consumers.

While many modern end-users, raised on a steady diet of electronic media, intuitively grasp instances of copyright violations, could the Minister clarify what efforts have been undertaken to educate the public at large on what constitutes a copyright violation, how to attribute copyright owners appropriately, and how to avoid infringing copyright.

After all, copyright provisions apply to all Singaporeans, and it would be especially embarrassing and unfair for our citizens — in particular that Uncle who has just discovered the joys of the ‘forward’ function on WhatsApp — to find themselves inadvertently running afoul of copyright law as a result of sharing content.

Finally, I would like to turn to the introduction in Clauses 141 and 142 of the Bill of civil and criminal penalties for engaging in commercial dealings, due to infringing set-top boxes and services, which include computer programmes and apps.

I support in principle the control of set-top boxes and related services, as this assists in the enforcement of the protection of IP rights.

However, I believe that we still need to guard against a situation where IP protection results in access to programming becoming prohibitively expensive, and therefore no longer accessible to all.

It will be unfortunate if the only way in which one could lawfully gain access to content — in particular sporting events — would be to pay exorbitant amounts in order to do so.

And key to this is knowing why else would many otherwise law-abiding citizens resort to using set-top boxes and services to access their desired content? The recent Euro 2020 football tournament was available only to those who could pay the exorbitant fee of over $90 to have access to all matches.

This is in addition to the special subscription rates that go over and beyond basic sports packages that avid followers of the English Premier League have to pay. And overshadowing all this is that Singaporeans pay significantly more for such content than those in most other countries, even those with higher costs of living.

I would not be the first to point out here that in years past, Singaporeans could watch live broadcasts of any sporting events, and certainly I am old enough to remember the thrill of being allowed to watch the epic Wimbledon final between Steffi Graf and Martina Navratilova in 1988, which was telecast on free-to-air TV.

Nowadays, if I want to see if Roger Federer would ever win another Slam, I would need to pay at least $49.90 a month or $449 a year for the Sports Plus package to watch it on TV, after spending lots of time and effort navigating the confusing variety of different sports the different channels and providers offer, and deal with changes to availability due to exclusivity rights expiring.

Television used to be a great equaliser in Singapore, but it is ironic that the advent of paid TV in the wake of the duopoly between Singtel and Starhub — which was ostensibly to give us greater choice — has now opened up a divide between those who can afford to pay the extra subscription charges to watch top sports competitions and those who cannot afford to do so.

Now that civil and criminal liability for commercial dealings in set-top boxes and related services are being imposed, what steps will the Government take to widen access to broadcasts of sporting events? Will certain major sporting events be broadcast free-to-air or perhaps be shown at Community Clubs?

This will go some way towards preserving access to sport, which has proven to be a great unifier in our otherwise multicultural and multi-ethnic nation.

It could also bridge the digital divide for ordinary Singaporeans. And it will definitely give us all something to talk about over our morning kopi at our neighbourhood coffeeshops.

Mr Speaker, I support the Bill. Thank you.

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AFP

Marcos says Philippines is ‘done talking’ with ICC

President Ferdinand Marcos announced that the Philippines will no longer cooperate with the International Criminal Court’s probe into the drug war, asserting that the alleged crimes should be handled domestically.

The ICC resumed its inquiry despite the country’s withdrawal in 2019. Thousands have died in the anti-narcotics campaign under both Duterte and Marcos’ administrations.

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MANILA, PHILIPPINES — The Philippines will no longer deal with the International Criminal Court, President Ferdinand Marcos said Friday after The Hague-based tribunal rejected Manila’s appeal to stop a probe into a deadly drug war.

Thousands of people have been killed in the anti-narcotics campaign started by former president Rodrigo Duterte in 2016 and continued under Marcos.

“We’re done talking with the ICC,” Marcos told reporters during a visit to the southern island of Mindanao, according to an official transcript.

“The alleged crimes are here in the Philippines, the victims are Filipino, so why go to The Hague? It should be here,” he said.

The ICC launched a formal inquiry into Duterte’s crackdown in September 2021, only to suspend it two months later after Manila said it was re-examining several hundred cases of drug operations that led to deaths at the hands of police, hitmen and vigilantes.

ICC chief prosecutor Karim Khan later asked to reopen the inquiry in June 2022, and pre-trial judges at the court gave the green light in late January — a decision that Manila appealed shortly afterwards.

A five-judge bench on Tuesday dismissed Manila’s objection that the court had no jurisdiction because the Philippines pulled out of the ICC in 2019, some three years before the inquiry was resumed.

Marcos said Friday the government would take “no more actions” regarding the ICC ruling, but would “continue to defend the sovereignty of the Philippines and continue to question the jurisdiction of the ICC in their investigations”.

Thousands killed

More than 6,000 people were killed in police anti-drug operations during Duterte’s term, official government figures show, but ICC prosecutors estimate the death toll at between 12,000 and 30,000.

The drug war has continued under Marcos even though he has pushed for more focus on prevention and rehabilitation.

More than 350 drug-related killings have been recorded since Marcos took office last June, according to figures compiled by Dahas, a University of the Philippines-backed research project that keeps count of such killings.

Opened in 2002, the ICC is the world’s only permanent court for war crimes and crimes against humanity and aims to prosecute the worst abuses when national courts are unable or unwilling.

Manila argues it has a fully functioning judicial system, and as such, its courts and law enforcement should handle the investigation into alleged rights abuses during the drug war — not the ICC.

Only four police officers have been convicted for killing drug suspects in two separate cases since the start of the crackdown in 2016.

Rights groups allege the killings were carried out as part of a state policy, and that Duterte had publicly encouraged them with incendiary rhetoric during his public comments.

During his presidency, Duterte openly encouraged law enforcers to shoot suspects in anti-drug operations if the lawmen felt their own lives were in danger.

— AFP

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AFP

US slams Hong Kong bounties as ‘dangerous’ precedent

The US condemns Hong Kong’s bounties on democracy activists abroad, warning of dangerous precedent and human rights threats.

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WASHINGTON, UNITED STATES — The United States on Monday condemned Hong Kong authorities for issuing bounties linked to democracy activists based abroad, saying the move sets a dangerous precedent that could threaten human rights.

Hong Kong police offered bounties of HK$1 million (about US$127,600) for information leading to the capture of eight prominent dissidents who live abroad and are wanted for national security crimes.

“The United States condemns the Hong Kong Police Force’s issuance of an international bounty” against the eight activists, State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller said in a statement.

“The extraterritorial application of the Beijing-imposed National Security Law is a dangerous precedent that threatens the human rights and fundamental freedoms of people all over the world,” he added, saying China is engaging in “transnational repression efforts.”

“We call on the Hong Kong government to immediately withdraw this bounty, respect other countries’ sovereignty, and stop the international assertion of the National Security Law imposed by Beijing.”

The national security law — which has reshaped Hong Kong society and eroded the firewall that once existed between the special autonomous region and the mainland — has the power to hold accused people across the world accountable.

All eight activists are alleged to have colluded with foreign forces to endanger national security — an offense that carries a sentence of up to life in prison.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) also weighed in from its New York headquarters to attack the bounties as “baseless” and an expansion of China’s “political intimidation campaign beyond its borders.”

“The Hong Kong government increasingly goes above and beyond to persecute peaceful dissent both within Hong Kong and abroad,” Maya Wang, HRW’s associate Asia director, said in a statement.

“Offering a cross-border bounty is a feeble attempt to intimidate activists and elected representatives outside Hong Kong who speak up for people’s rights against Beijing’s growing repression.”

— AFP

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