Editorial
Should alleged sexual offenders be offered similar identity protection as victims prior to conviction?
The prosecution’s decision to withdraw all charges against an anaesthetist accused of molesting a woman almost four years ago raised questions about whether alleged sexual offenders should be offered similar identity protections afforded to alleged victims prior to any conviction.
District Judge Ng Peng Hong on Monday (16 Aug) granted the prosecution’s application for a discharge amounting to an acquittal (DATA) for Dr Yeo Sow Nam, 52.
Their decision to withdraw the charges was made after reviewing the evidence and the defence’s representations, according to the prosecution.
The complainant, 33, had accused Dr Yeo of inappropriately touching her four times at his pain management clinic — The Pain Specialist — at Mount Elizabeth Hospital on the evening of 9 Oct 2017.
Allegations included him squeezing her waist, hugging her and quickly groping her breasts, and kissing her forehead.
The woman is said to be not a patient or staff member at Dr Yeo’s pain management clinic.
Despite the woman being revealed to be what Dr Yeo’s lawyers have branded “a self-confessed perjurer” based on her testimony in court, her identity remains hidden even after acquittal due to a gag order that remains in effect.
Yet, damage has been done to the doctor’s reputation, as shown by various comments from the public on social media since he was first charged close to four years ago.
Dr Yeo’s predicament is not a standalone case — in late April, the State Courts acquitted a male supervisor of all charges involving sexual assault against his female colleague at a Cotton On outlet during their closing shift.
District Judge Jasvender Kaur found multiple facets of the alleged victim’s evidence “troubling” and evoked “serious doubt” on her credibility.
This included her act of testifying that she froze when the accused made his advances towards her.
It was reported that she had told the gynaecologist who examined her after the alleged incident in 2017 that she had actively resisted him instead.
AWARE, one of Singapore’s most prominent gender equality non-governmental organisations, highlighted that based on an Ipsos survey in 2019, a considerable number —four in 10 — of Singaporeans and permanent residents surveyed believing that false accusations of sexual harassment are becoming more common in Singapore.
However, the organisation noted that in an AWARE-Ipsos survey on workplace sexual harassment published in January, 20 per cent of survivors did not report their sexual harassment out of the fear that they will not be believed.
This is a fear “fuelled by social media comments harping on about false accusations”, said AWARE.
Noting that seven out of 10 clients of AWARE’s Sexual Assault Care Centre do not proceed with an official report, the organisation said that the “under-reporting of sexual abuse remains pervasive”.
Further, according to the Ministry of Home Affairs, of the 250 reported cases of sexual crimes legally classified as serious — rape and sexual assault by penetration — per year from 2014 to 2018, only 10 cases involved Singapore police charging complainants for making false reports or giving them a stern warning for doing so, said AWARE.
It is also crucial to discern the difference between such cases involving false allegations and cases that are not prosecuted due to a lack of evidence, said AWARE.
AWARE warned that “unreliable assumptions about false complaints could create biases and sway how rape allegations are managed if we are not careful”.
This is particularly when misogynistic stereotypes about false accusers “condition us to imagine them as women”, given how survivors of sexual violence are “overwhelmingly female”, said the organisation.
“In reality, though, men can and do make false reports too. In 2019, a 34-year-old man provided false information to an investigation officer, saying that his 50-year-old Singaporean boyfriend had force-fed him a pill and raped him at their home while he was unconscious. Yet we tend to harp on cases of women making false accusations,” said AWARE.
Even Dr Yeo himself said following his acquittal that while he is “glad that truth has prevailed”, he hoped that the outcome of his case “does not discourage real victims of sex crimes from coming forward, or set back the moral agenda in their favour”.
While AWARE rightfully pointed out that the attitude toward such false accusations could exacerbate stigma against female survivors of sexual crimes and deter them from coming forward to seek justice, the issue at hand — especially as illustrated in Dr Yeo’s case — is not about not taking women seriously over allegations of sexual crimes.
Instead, the distress and damage endured by Dr Yeo in the past four years raise questions about whether the accused should also be protected from having their identity being publicly revealed until the person is proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt by the court.
As seen in the case of Dr Yeo, the woman who confessed to lying under oath is protected under the Women’s Charter, while the doctor’s reputation and wellbeing was injured over an offence he did not commit.
Should the law not equally protect the accused before their guilt is set in stone?
While the accused’s name may be cleared at the end, as seen in Dr Yeo’s case, the damage done to their reputation is irreversible.
Not everyone is as fortunate such as Dr Yeo, who had the full support of his loved ones, workplace, and the medical community over the course of proceedings.
What is the rush to identify the accused in public for the purpose of media reports when the court has yet to determine the guilt of the individual?
It is clear that even when “innocent until proven guilty” is often touted as a maxim, the reverse is actually assumed of the accused the moment a charge is made against the person.
It is not necessary for individuals and entities associated with the accused persons to be informed of the charges through the media, as police would have informed them throughout the investigations.
Such individuals and entities will then be able to take the necessary actions to prevent any possible further implications that may arise in relation to the accused’s position or work.
Further, the prosecutors’ decision to pursue charges against an individual is not always a clear indication that one is guilty of an offence — Dr Yeo’s case is an example where false allegations can mistakenly be used as a basis for prosecution to take place.
Therefore, it is not unreasonable to suggest that sufficient protection ought to be put in place for the accused prior to any conviction, similar to that afforded to the alleged victim — unless the alleged victim chooses to be exempted from identity protection as well.
After all, Singapore’s criminal justice system is premised upon the “presumption of innocence” principle.
This means that the possibility that an accused person did not commit the crime they were charged with must be brought into consideration at all times until they are proven guilty, in order for the trial to have a fair outcome.
Is this principle, then, only effective in theory and not in practice?
Editorial
Undying Phoenix: TOC navigates regulatory restrictions with a revamped approach
Despite new regulations hindering operations, The Online Citizen Asia (TOC) views this as a chance to return to its roots, launching Gutzy Asia for Greater Asian news, while refocusing on Singapore. Inviting volunteer support, TOC’s commitment to truth and transparency remains unshakeable amidst these constraints.
On 21 July 2023, the Ministry of Communications and Information, under the leadership of Minister Josephine Teo, declared The Online Citizen Asia’s (TOC) website and social media platforms as Declared Online Locations (DOL) according to the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act 2019 (POFMA).
This decision follows a series of alleged false statements propagated by TOC, with the most recent incident reported on 2 May.
Amidst a politically charged environment characterized by scandals involving the People’s Action Party and increasing public mistrust towards the ruling government, TOC will continue to operate, albeit under significant constraints, despite the regulatory restrictions imposed.
The DOL declaration mandates that TOC must carry a public notice on its online platforms, which indicates its alleged history of disseminating misinformation.
The POFMA Office, however, clarified that TOC can continue its operations, retaining its website and social media pages under stringent regulations, particularly concerning monetization.
According to Part 5 of the POFMA, TOC is prohibited from gaining financial or material benefits from its operations. Additionally, offering financial support to TOC is equally unlawful. For the next two years, TOC will be compelled to self-sustain, relying solely on its resources without any public backing.
It strikes TOC as notably ironic that the Singapore government, eager to stymie our operations to prevent the spread of “fake news”, simultaneously demonstrates a fervour to invest S$900 million of taxpayer funds into the SPH Media Trust, currently embroiled in a data misrepresentation scandal. This dichotomy indeed presents a masterclass in cognitive dissonance.
Despite these significant constraints, TOC views this as an opportunity to revert to its roots, replicating the enthusiasm and drive that characterized our operation following our establishment in 2006.
Our existing staff will transition to a new publication, Gutzy Asia, focusing on news from Greater Asia, while TOC will refocus on its primary subject, Singapore, hence dropping the Asia subtext.
In this transition, we invite volunteers passionate about journalism and holding power to account to join us in our mission. We also welcome contributions from Singapore’s political parties, offering them a platform to express their perspectives and provide updates.
While this change may result in a decrease in content volume and frequency, we assure our supporters that our commitment to truth and transparency remains steadfast. We are legally obliged not to seek financial aid, but we hope our supporters will provide us with manpower and information support.
We are resolute in our decision to continue TOC’s operations, standing in defiance against attempts to silence dissent through lawsuits and intimidating regulations. We are here to serve the people, and we will continue our mission with determination and resilience.
To keep up to date with the publication: Follow The Online Citizen via telegram (Gutzy Asia’s posts are included)
Editorial
Shanmugam, Balakrishnan, and the Code of Conduct: A Demand for Straight Answers
Editorial: Amid the recent controversy involving Singaporean ministers K Shanmugam and Vivian Balakrishnan regarding the tenancy of two state properties, serious questions have surfaced about potential breaches of the Ministerial Code of Conduct.
Despite being renowned for high standards of governance, the lack of a clear response from the ministers themselves and the decision to pass the issue to a review committee chaired by a fellow party member has raised eyebrows. The crucial question remains: does leasing property from the Singapore Land Authority, an organization overseen by the minister in question, breach the Code of Conduct?
In a country renowned for its high standards of governance, the recent controversy surrounding the tenancy of two state properties by Minister K Shanmugam and Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan has raised some perplexing questions.
Both ministers, tasked with the important responsibility of upholding the integrity of Singapore’s laws and foreign affairs, respectively, find themselves under scrutiny following allegations of a potential breach of the Ministerial Code of Conduct.
Mr Shanmugam claimed in his statement on Tuesday (23 May) to have “nothing to hide” and encouraged questions.
However, the irony is palpable when we consider the simple question that remains unanswered: Does leasing from the Singapore Land Authority (SLA), an organization he oversees, breach the Ministerial Code of Conduct?
Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s decision to initiate a review is commendable and necessary to maintain the high standards of integrity that are a cornerstone of the Singapore government.
However, having a fellow People’s Action Party Senior Minister, Teo Chee Hean, chair the review does raise some questions. Furthermore, it remains puzzling why a straightforward answer isn’t forthcoming from the ministers implicated in this issue.
Under Section 3 of the Ministerial Code of Conduct, it’s stipulated that a Minister must avoid any actual or perceived conflict of interest between his office and his private financial interests.
While we should refrain from jumping to conclusions before the review concludes, the public certainly has the right to question whether a Minister leasing public property could conceivably conflict with his public duty.
This predicament reflects an unprecedented evasion of responsibility, particularly from Mr Shanmugam, who has been vocal in demanding clear and direct responses from political opponents.
Now that the tables have turned, the nation awaits his clear and direct answer – does leasing the property at 26 Ridout Road contravene the Code of Conduct for ministers?
Instead of a straightforward response, we see the matter deferred to a review committee and promises of addressing the issue in Parliament, where the ruling People’s Action Party holds a supermajority. This is far from the accountability and directness we expect from a Minister, especially one overseeing Law and Home Affairs.
The question is simple and direct, yet the absence of a clear answer has inevitably raised eyebrows and triggered skepticism about our leaders’ transparency and accountability. It is incumbent upon Mr Shanmugam and Mr Balakrishnan to clear the air and restore public confidence by providing a simple “Yes” or “No” answer.
Do the two ministers not think that the average person will likely perceive a conflict of interest when ministers rent from a government agency under the Law Minister’s purview? Once such a perception exists, how can there be no breach of Clause 3 of the Ministerial Code?
Clause 3, analogous to the maxim that justice must not only be done but seen to be done, requires a Minister to avoid actual conflict of interest and apparent or perceived conflict of interest.
Parliamentary privilege and safe environments shouldn’t be an excuse for evading direct answers. Singaporeans deserve more than opaque explanations and bureaucratic deferrals; they deserve straightforward, honest responses from their public servants. This is a matter of trust, transparency, and, above all, integrity.
If there’s anything the public can perceive from the actions of the ministers so far, it’s how out of touch they appear to be with common folks – both in the matter of principle and the need for accountability – from atop their massive ivory towers on Ridout Road.
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