Current Affairs
新加坡2020大选 –问一问“要多少钱呀?”
陈华彪
PAP会有第13次的鸿运吗?
毕竟,为了收买260万选民的选票,它们承诺给家庭,社区和企业撒了近1千亿元。但是这都是纳税人的钱。反对党现在可以争辩说,有了这么一大笔钱,也足以实现他们的社会替代计划。别让用来对付反对党的种种POFMA分散注意力,迫切需要做的是针对如何为新加坡大瘟疫后社会格局定调这一课题立刻启动辩论。
在争取选民人心的竞赛中,主流媒体是在行动党绝对的掌控之中,再加上各种各样的戏法,如烟幕和镜子任由他们利用,行动党获得重大胜利是不在话下了。至少这是许多外国观察者的看法。
为什么人民行动党部长陈振声却警告选民,反对党可能赢得足够的席位组织政府呢?
在这次大选的十一个政党之中,加入行动党的人是唯一不必害怕来自讳深莫测国家的报复。对于许多人来说,加入行动党是事业生涯的进一步发展。
没有一个反对党能在组织上延伸之广和党员之多与行动党相比。自1959年以来,整部国家机器都在执政党的支配下。通过操纵高达10亿余元预算的人民协会,行动党的触须伸展到小岛的每一个角落及住户,也被默认为执政的天赋政党。
和区域周边其他依靠贪污豢养的执政党不同,人民行动党有另类的手段来资助他们庞大的政治机器,并打扮成白之又白。难怪是继中国,朝鲜和古巴共产党之后,行动党是领衔世界上不间断统治时间最长的执政党。
选择在执政期限还有一年之前进行选举,行动党企图抓紧从冠状病毒瘟疫中捞取最大的政治优势。同样的在新加坡和其他的地区,面对危机下的选民都倾向投票给现任政府。利用大瘟疫流行下举行大选,行动党能拒绝反对党举行群众大会的权利而不会受到国际的谴责。
直到宣布大选时,行动党已经通过一系列的压迫性和立法上的改变,消除了潜在的政治挑战,使反对党陷入种种困境。 POFMA,所谓的《 2019防止网络虚假信息和网络操纵法案》,现在已经是过去几天内对付反对党的一种便利工具。
鉴于人民行动党拥有与十个反对党不成比例的优势,难道是陈振声虚伪的在暗示人民行动党的统治即将落幕吗?
如果陈振声在测谎器前重复他的话,结果将会是怎样呢?你我的猜测是怎么样都无妨。
陈清木正确的指出部长在误导和恐吓选民。贩卖恐吓手法势必阻止某些非死硬的行动党支持者将票投给反对党。作为一名政客,陈振声应该意识到,除了那些死硬的反对行动党选民之外,大多数新加坡人都被洗脑至不信任反对党,而且相信行动党是天赋的执政党。
一般人想起陈振声的反对党可以组成政府这一狗哨暗示时,本能上很可能投票支持行动党。不幸的是,这不需要动脑筋,也是最省力气的做法。
毫无疑问的是,一名更具深思远虑的选民将依据行动党的诺言来评估反对党的竞选宣言,并在投票前考虑了国会体系内制衡的必要性。对于大多数人而言,这是费劲、艰难和耗时的。
陈振声这种等于狗哨暗示的似是而非行为,在选举时, 煽动一部份被灌输而形成偏见,并且害怕失去感知中天赋政党的选民, 投下不理性的一票。
在民主制度下,这种故意的选举舞弊行为是滥用选举的程序。这和卜基为了煽动选民支持执政党而刻意以低赔赏率赌反对党占优势是一样的。
作为一名新加坡内阁的高级成员,陈振声的狗哨暗示不只是调皮的动作。这是对民主的冒犯。人民行动党担心的是失去拥有多数席位的国会橡皮印章。在专制政权的选举中让更多反对党成为国会议员,这意味着在立法和政府工作上将面对更为严厉的审查。失去多数席位必将削弱行动党重复不久前类似伪总统宪法的欺骗手段的能力。
普通新加坡选民可能都没有注意到,《PAP 2020年竞选宣言》中并没提到新加坡国旗上的民主、公正与平等的关键价值观。金装的 2020宣言就好比高档的房地产经纪公司的行销工具。
PAP竞选宣言提出以下主张:“我们的使命是让所有的人共同进步,不让任何人落在后面。”
为了检验事实真相,我重温了许通美教授在2019年10月1日的讲话。这位资深的外交官是来自体制内稀有的声音,他提倡最低工资并缩小收入差距。
他在讲话中质疑了,如果新加坡的清洁工人必须与来自附近地区的100万外国工人相互竞争,他们是否可能以700元的月薪过着有尊严的生活。
为了实现更加平等的新加坡,他认为这将要求政府放弃金字塔式的社会结构,即巴士司机的平均工资的中位数为每月3000元,而CEO的年薪介于120万至200万元之间。他说,公共交通公司CEO的工作“并非火箭科学”。许通美教授将这种收入差距归究于政府盲目抄袭美国邪恶模式。
选民必须考虑可否依靠建立邪恶金字塔系统而获益不浅的行动党来实现平等和公正的社会体系。
我要提出另一位可靠的人证就是总理亲弟弟李显扬。
提名日前48小时,李显扬发表了广播,呼吁结束”重赏皇帝身边的少数人和太监。若不属于天赋的权贵,学者,将军和特权人士,就只能只分到面包屑”这样的僵化局面。
如果向装满琼浆玉液列车后面的落后者,扔些面包屑,就是行动党确保没人落在新加坡进步与辉煌成就后面的做法,那么一路来都投票给行动党的选民,可要重新想一想,行动党是否已经不再是组织政府的天赋政党。
他们可能需要留意许通美的呼吁,重新塑造新加坡。为此,我们需要的是“建设者和奋战者”。
谁是这次大选中93名行动党候选人中的奋战者?
如果“太监病”感染了新加坡体制的心脏,并且根据显扬的讲法,“没有领导人,只有讨皇上欢心的洗纸牌者”,选民是否应该继续对行动党保持盲目的信任?
除此之外,如果你与PAP集团为伍,要重新建设和重塑新加坡的奋战者就要付出更大的代价。前总理吴作栋在一段时间曾提出警告:“部长们的薪水不够高,再这样下去,我们要碰到找人加入政府的难题,因为目前公务员的收入比部长还要高。你们知道吗?”
因此,在投票给PAP集团中天赋的权贵们之前,请问他“到底要多少钱”。
最后,在肯定它们对太监病有免疫力,还有除了面包屑以外否是否也有琼浆玉液。
陈华彪
2020年7月5日
流亡于伦敦
告子翻译
Current Affairs
Reforming Singapore’s defamation laws: Preventing legal weapons against free speech
Opinion: The tragic suicide of Geno Ong, linked to the financial stress from a defamation lawsuit, raises a critical issue: Singapore’s defamation laws need reform. These laws must not be weaponized to silence individuals.
by Alexandar Chia
This week, we hear the tragic story of the suicide of Geno Ong, with Ong citing the financial stress from the defamation lawsuit against her by Raymond Ng and Iris Koh.
Regardless of who’s right and who’s wrong, this Koh/Ng vs Ong affair raises a wider question at play – the issue of Singapore’s defamation laws and how it needs to be tightened.
Why is this needed? This is because defamation suits cannot be weaponised the way they have been in Singapore law. It cannot be used to threaten people into “shutting up”.
Article 14(2)(a) of the Constitution may permit laws to be passed to restrict free speech in the area of defamation, but it does not remove the fact that Article 14(1)(a) is still law, and it permits freedom of speech.
As such, although Article 14(2)(a) allows restrictions to be placed on freedom of speech with regard to the issue of defamation, it must not be to the extent where Article 14(1)(a)’s rights and liberties are not curtailed completely or heavily infringed on.
Sadly, that is the case with regard to precedence in defamation suits.
Let’s have a look at the defamation suit then-PM Goh Chok Tong filed against Dr Chee Soon Juan after GE 2001 for questions Dr Chee asked publicly about a $17 billion loan made to Suharto.
If we look at point 12 of the above link, in the “lawyer’s letter” sent to Dr Chee, Goh’s case of himself being defamed centred on lines Dr Chee used in his question, such as “you can run but you can’t hide”, and “did he not tell you about the $17 billion loan”?
In the West, such lines of questioning are easily understood at worse as hyperbolically figurative expressions with the gist of the meaning behind such questioning on why the loan to Suharto was made.
Unfortunately, Singapore’s defamation laws saw Dr Chee’s actions of imputing ill motives on Goh, when in the West, it is expected of incumbents to take the kind of questions Dr Chee asked, and such questions asked of incumbent office holders are not uncommon.
And the law permits pretty flimsy reasons such as “withdrawal of allegations” to be used as a deciding factor if a statement is defamatory or not – this is as per points 66-69 of the judgement.
This is not to imply or impute ill intent on Singapore courts. Rather, it shows how defamation laws in Singapore needs to be tightened, to ensure that a possible future scenario where it is weaponised as a “shut-up tool”, occurs.
These are how I suggest it is to be done –
- The law has to make mandatory, that for a case to go into a full lawsuit, there has to be a 3-round exchange of talking points and two attempts at legal mediation.
- Summary judgment should be banned from defamation suits, unless if one party fails to adduce evidence or a defence.
- A statement is to be proven false, hence, defamatory, if there is strictly material along with circumstantial evidence showing that the statement is false. Apologies and related should not be used as main determinants, given how many of these statements are made in the heat of the moment, from the natural feelings of threat and intimidation from a defamation suit.
- A question should only be considered defamatory if it has been repeated, after material facts of evidence are produced showing, beyond reasonable doubt, that the message behind the question, is “not so”, and if there is a directly mentioned subject in the question. For example, if an Opposition MP, Mr A, was found to be poisoned with a banned substance, and I ask openly on how Mr A got access to that substance, given that its banned, I can’t be found to have “defamed the government” with the question as 1) the government was not mentioned directly and 2) if the government has not produced material evidence that they indeed had no role in the poisoning affair, if they were directly mentioned.
- Damages should be tiered, with these tiers coded into the Defamation Act – the highest quantum of damages (i.e. those of a six-figured nature) is only to be reserved if the subject of defamation lost any form of office, revenue or position, or directly quantifiable public standing, or was subjected to criminal action, because of the act of defamation. If none of such occur, the maximum amount of damages a plaintiff in a defamation can claim is a 4-figure amount capped at $2000. This will prevent rich and powerful figures from using defamation suits and 6-figure damages to intimidate their questioners and detractors.
- All defendants of defamation suit should be allowed full access to legal aid schemes.
Again, this piece does not suggest bad-faith malpractice by the courts in Singapore. Rather, it is to suggest how to tighten up defamation laws to avoid it being used as the silencing hatchet.
Current Affairs
Man arrested for alleged housebreaking and theft of mobile phones in Yishun
A 23-year-old man was arrested for allegedly breaking into a Yishun Ring Road rental flat and stealing eight mobile phones worth S$3,400 from five tenants. The Singapore Police responded swiftly on 1 September, identifying and apprehending the suspect on the same day. The man has been charged with housebreaking, which carries a potential 10-year jail term.
SINGAPORE: A 23-year-old man has been arrested for allegedly breaking into a rental flat along Yishun Ring Road and stealing eight mobile phones from five tenants.
The incident occurred in the early hours on Sunday (1 September), according to a statement from the Singapore Police Force.
The authorities reported that they received a call for assistance at around 5 a.m. on that day.
Officers from the Woodlands Police Division quickly responded and, through ground enquiries and police camera footage, were able to identify and apprehend the suspect on the same day.
The stolen mobile phones, with an estimated total value of approximately S$3,400, were recovered hidden under a nearby bin.
The suspect was charged in court on Monday with housebreaking with the intent to commit theft.
If convicted, he could face a jail term of up to 10 years and a fine.
In light of this incident, the police have advised property owners to take precautions to prevent similar crimes.
They recommend securing all doors, windows, and other openings with good quality grilles and padlocks when leaving premises unattended, even for short periods.
The installation of burglar alarms, motion sensor lights, and CCTV cameras to cover access points is also advised. Additionally, residents are urged to avoid keeping large sums of cash and valuables in their homes.
The investigation is ongoing.
Last month, police disclosed that a recent uptick in housebreaking incidents in private residential estates across Singapore has been traced to foreign syndicates, primarily involving Chinese nationals.
Preliminary investigations indicate that these syndicates operate in small groups, targeting homes by scaling perimeter walls or fences.
The suspects are believed to be transient travelers who enter Singapore on Social Visit Passes, typically just a day or two before committing the crimes.
Before this recent surge in break-ins, housebreaking cases were on the decline, with 59 reported in the first half of this year compared to 70 during the same period last year.
However, between 1 June and 4 August 2024, there were 10 reported housebreaking incidents, predominantly in private estates around the Rail Corridor and Bukit Timah Road.
The SPF has intensified efforts to engage residents near high-risk areas by distributing crime prevention advisories, erecting alert signs, and training them to patrol their neighborhoods, leading to an increase in reports of suspicious activity.
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