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“寒蝉效应甚于诽谤法” 施仁乔忧防假消息法遭滥用

by Yee Loon
05/04/2019
in 政治, 舆论, 观点, 言论自由
Reading Time: 2 mins read
0

媒体研究学者施仁乔教授(Cherian George)担忧,防止假消息法产生的寒蝉效应远甚于现有的诽谤法。只要政府认为“公众对政府信心遭削弱”,或者有散播群体间敌意和仇恨的威胁,该法赋予更广泛的权力来抑制批评声音。

任何部长都长或政府部门,都可以委任一个“主管当局”(Competent Authority)来执法。施仁乔形容,这种权限是很罕见的,因为一般仅让特定部长有法律权限。

再者,也没有安排监督机构,来监管如何裁定消息真伪。

目前任教于香港浸会大学传播研究中心的施仁乔,2014年也曾担任南洋理工大学副教授。

在获悉防止假消息法出炉后,他对于法案草案中的内容产生忧虑,在日前撰文对该法案分析评述。

他指出,比较可行的媒体管制,监管机构理应尽量避免政治干预,但是新法案却强制执法当局需服从指示,却没有任何独立的监管机制:

12 – (5) Once a Stop Communication Direction has been issued, the Competent Authority must publish a notice of that fact in the Gazette as soon as possible.

部长有权发出更正/删文指示

防止假消息法允许部长对媒体机构/网站或个人发出更正指示,基本上足以下命令把所谓“虚假”的内容完全删掉。

甚至,部长还可以发出“终止通讯”指示,阻止相关个体或单位继续传播有关消息。发出这样的指令,甚至媒体人都没有机会去求证和更正消息。

虽然,律政部长和政府一再向公众保障,防止假消息法不会被滥用,但是施仁乔警告,除非法案中有白纸黑字明文规定,否则历史一再证明“人非圣贤”,最好不要“很傻很天真”地以为,不会有一些耍流氓的政客会试图滥用此法。

与此同时,法案给与部长相当大的自由度,来决定更正或删除消息的期限。再者,法案允许政府要求涉事者道歉/发更正启事,这有点类似诽谤法,但施仁乔提到不同之处在于,诽谤法需经过法庭程序,但是防假消息法完全是行政命令。

11 – (1) A Correction Direction is one issued to a person who communicated the subject statement in Singapore, requiring the person to communicate in Singapore in the specified form and s manner, to a specified person or description of persons (if any), and by the specified time, a notice (called in this Part a correction notice) that contains one or both of the following:

(a) a statement, in such terms as may be specified, that the subject statement is false, or that the specified material io contains a false statement of fact;

(6) a specified statement of fact, or a reference to a specified location where the specified statement of fact may be found, or both.

13 – (6) A person issued a Part 3 Direction is responsible for the costs of complying with the Direction.

施仁乔也提到,法案虽然允许涉事者上诉到高庭,但首先还是得先过部长这一关,只有部长拒绝涉事者的上诉申请,才能转到高庭上诉。然而,法案又没有明文规定,部长处理上诉的期限。

这意味着,只要部长喜欢,他可以无限期地展延决定,这又如何让涉事者上诉到高庭呢?

令他忧心的是,即使带到高庭审理,法案也没有赋权法庭,去审核部长是否给予公共利益行事,在该法框架下,只能判断涉事者的陈述是否属实:

判断消息真伪?部长决定

至于反假消息法的关键—如何定义假消息也相当模糊:

(2) In this Act-

(b) a statement is false if it is false or misleading, whether wholly or in part, and whether on its own or in the context in which it appears.

翻译下,意思就是某个陈述,不管是全文或某个部分可视为为虚假,只要它是:虚假、误导的。

有关法案没有明确规定审核假消息的指南或准则,全凭部长决定。任何部长可能借用此法,以公共利益名义保护自己的部门机构免受“公信力被削弱”。期间甚至不需咨询任何监管机构和委员会。

“基本上,防止假消息法形同赋予政治人物管制言论的能力,完全掌控国家权力。”

忧权力过大恐失控

施仁乔不否认需要有适当机制防范假消息散播,但是把防假消息法这种前所未有的权力交到政治人物手上,恐怕很快失控。

如今,施仁乔希望在来临的国会二读,议员能提出实质的补救措施,避免赋予少数政客过大权力监管言论。

他不认为我国的政治人物就会优于国外,可以更冷静、公允地看待批评,因为过去也有前科,新加坡的部长们对于记者或批评者这作出过激的反应。

要看法令有没有可能被滥用,施仁乔就举例《政治献金法》下,虽然旨在避免金钱影响选举,但与此同时,也阻止独立新闻网站如《网络公民》筹募运营资金。

另一例子是《防止骚扰法》,原本旨在对付网络霸凌问题,国防部却曾企图援引《防止骚扰法》,来对付指控国防部侵权的陈崇铭医生和采访者《网络公民》。

施仁乔认为,防止假消息法草案远非完善可言,也有被不道德政客滥用的风险。

唐振辉亲自反驳施仁乔

对于施仁乔的评述,律政高级政务部长唐振辉很快就发文回应,指出前者对草案存在误解。他强调法案仅针对“危害公共利益的假消息”,不会针对任何批评、意见和评论。

“即便是假消息,首要补救措施是纠正,让读者可以分辨两者自行判断。”

对于施仁乔提及法案可能诱使政客借用该法规避责任,唐振辉指出,如果有关部长做出判断,假设有人上诉到高庭,部长是必须向高庭负责的。

施仁乔认为,监管机构应尽量避免政治干预,但唐振辉则反驳,民选政治职务者必须面对问责,那么究竟施仁乔要由民选职务者问责,还是要由免于政治责任的监管机构来监督媒体。

施仁乔质疑法案下部长缺乏司法监督,对此唐振辉辩解,法案仍允许涉事者向法庭上诉。

唐振辉重申,法案针对事实的虚假陈述,例如断章取义、或者照片移花接木,此前也曾发生私人医院违规被调查报导,被配以政府医院的照片,在社媒被广传,政府不得不作出澄清。

他反问施仁乔是否能容忍这种蓄意行为,政府该不该要求有关网站作出纠正?这么做又如何产生“寒蝉效应”?

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