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李总理称99年屋契对下一代公平 网民问“我是买屋还是租屋?”

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在本周日举行的国庆群众大会,我国总理李显龙发表演说,公布数项旨在减轻民众生活经济负担的政策。

对于民众最为关注的房屋课题,他再一次阐明公共组屋地契,为何定在99年。对他而言,99年是很长时间,即使传给孩子,到屋契到期时孩子也有80-90岁。

当住户在同样组屋住了3、40年至退休。仍有60年屋契,仍保持良好价值,您可以选择积蓄住在该组屋,或出租增加收入,或者传承给下一代,也可以转售并购买较小的单位。

他保证组屋99年屋契到期,不代表住户无家可归,政府会协助您找其他的组屋,可能是全新99年屋契的预购屋,或二房式灵活组屋计划供退休用。总是能根据您的需求找到合适的选择。

为下一代腾出居住空间

“但不论是哪一种选择,您必须为组屋租赁付费。这是公平的,因为你知道租约什么时候用完、什么时候必须交回给建屋局。”李显龙坚称,这是为了对下一代表示公平,您“拥有了”一间组屋,传了一两代,之后就要交回给政府,由政府重新规划,为未来世代建新的组屋。

如果政府发放永久地契,屋主可以把房子传承给许多代,但是很快我们就不够土地空间建新房子。这将导致社会被分化成拥屋一群和无能力置产的一群,这是真正的不平等。即便是私人物业,政府也只发放99年屋契。

不过,我们也不能发现,李总理仍坚称人民是“购买”组屋,我们“拥有”一间组屋,可以传承一两代。但很肯定地,99年屋契到期,就必须交给政府重新规划。

网民Jasper Lam虽认同不应有永久地契,因为屋龄到了90年,住户也不太敢住下去。但他也提出,政府应让人民清楚屋龄和地契的重要,让价格照着屋龄走,避免人民为了买老房子,也不需付出高昂的代价。

“政府一直不愿指出这个大问题,因为影响很深,或许会影响选票”,价值多年来政府的论调都是组屋能保值、不贬值,澄清后就形同致歉的谎言被捅破。

Jasper Lam 补充,很多人都用公积金来支付房子首期和贷款,但结果最后物资一文不值,放进去的退休金都泡汤,肯定怨声载道。

若是屋主,为何装修也得申请准证?

网民Tan Vincent也提出民众一直混淆的议题:政府一直提倡居者有其屋,但是人人都得自己掏钱买房,甚至动用自己的公积金,但是人民到底是买屋还是租屋?

“如果我向“房东”租99年,那为什么我还得还财产税和杂费?那我卖其他屋契给别家租户时,为什么又得向房东还印花税?”

“那如果我是屋主,装修又得向房东申请准证?”

是否考量老者愿意掏钱买新屋?

网民Shu Kwok则提出疑虑,即假设住户在租屋住了数十年,到时也已是白发苍苍老人,他们可能打算原地养老,再请他们掏钱买房是否愿意?

网民潮州人则称,伊班孩子孙子结婚了也会卖自己的一套租屋,其实不需想太多,子孙不会让老人家流落街头。对此利宁国则提出,关键问题在于,政府过去一直的论调是房子不会贬值。

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Reforming Singapore’s defamation laws: Preventing legal weapons against free speech

Opinion: The tragic suicide of Geno Ong, linked to the financial stress from a defamation lawsuit, raises a critical issue: Singapore’s defamation laws need reform. These laws must not be weaponized to silence individuals.

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by Alexandar Chia

This week, we hear the tragic story of the suicide of Geno Ong, with Ong citing the financial stress from the defamation lawsuit against her by Raymond Ng and Iris Koh.

Regardless of who’s right and who’s wrong, this Koh/Ng vs Ong affair raises a wider question at play – the issue of Singapore’s defamation laws and how it needs to be tightened.

Why is this needed? This is because defamation suits cannot be weaponised the way they have been in Singapore law. It cannot be used to threaten people into “shutting up”.

Article 14(2)(a) of the Constitution may permit laws to be passed to restrict free speech in the area of defamation, but it does not remove the fact that Article 14(1)(a) is still law, and it permits freedom of speech.

As such, although Article 14(2)(a) allows restrictions to be placed on freedom of speech with regard to the issue of defamation, it must not be to the extent where Article 14(1)(a)’s rights and liberties are not curtailed completely or heavily infringed on.

Sadly, that is the case with regard to precedence in defamation suits.

Let’s have a look at the defamation suit then-PM Goh Chok Tong filed against Dr Chee Soon Juan after GE 2001 for questions Dr Chee asked publicly about a $17 billion loan made to Suharto.

If we look at point 12 of the above link, in the “lawyer’s letter” sent to Dr Chee, Goh’s case of himself being defamed centred on lines Dr Chee used in his question, such as “you can run but you can’t hide”, and “did he not tell you about the $17 billion loan”?

In the West, such lines of questioning are easily understood at worse as hyperbolically figurative expressions with the gist of the meaning behind such questioning on why the loan to Suharto was made.

Unfortunately, Singapore’s defamation laws saw Dr Chee’s actions of imputing ill motives on Goh, when in the West, it is expected of incumbents to take the kind of questions Dr Chee asked, and such questions asked of incumbent office holders are not uncommon.

And the law permits pretty flimsy reasons such as “withdrawal of allegations” to be used as a deciding factor if a statement is defamatory or not – this is as per points 66-69 of the judgement.

This is not to imply or impute ill intent on Singapore courts. Rather, it shows how defamation laws in Singapore needs to be tightened, to ensure that a possible future scenario where it is weaponised as a “shut-up tool”, occurs.

These are how I suggest it is to be done –

  1. The law has to make mandatory, that for a case to go into a full lawsuit, there has to be a 3-round exchange of talking points and two attempts at legal mediation.
  2. Summary judgment should be banned from defamation suits, unless if one party fails to adduce evidence or a defence.
  3. A statement is to be proven false, hence, defamatory, if there is strictly material along with circumstantial evidence showing that the statement is false. Apologies and related should not be used as main determinants, given how many of these statements are made in the heat of the moment, from the natural feelings of threat and intimidation from a defamation suit.
  4. A question should only be considered defamatory if it has been repeated, after material facts of evidence are produced showing, beyond reasonable doubt, that the message behind the question, is “not so”, and if there is a directly mentioned subject in the question. For example, if an Opposition MP, Mr A, was found to be poisoned with a banned substance, and I ask openly on how Mr A got access to that substance, given that its banned, I can’t be found to have “defamed the government” with the question as 1) the government was not mentioned directly and 2) if the government has not produced material evidence that they indeed had no role in the poisoning affair, if they were directly mentioned.
  5. Damages should be tiered, with these tiers coded into the Defamation Act – the highest quantum of damages (i.e. those of a six-figured nature) is only to be reserved if the subject of defamation lost any form of office, revenue or position, or directly quantifiable public standing, or was subjected to criminal action, because of the act of defamation. If none of such occur, the maximum amount of damages a plaintiff in a defamation can claim is a 4-figure amount capped at $2000. This will prevent rich and powerful figures from using defamation suits and 6-figure damages to intimidate their questioners and detractors.
  6. All defendants of defamation suit should be allowed full access to legal aid schemes.

Again, this piece does not suggest bad-faith malpractice by the courts in Singapore. Rather, it is to suggest how to tighten up defamation laws to avoid it being used as the silencing hatchet.

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Man arrested for alleged housebreaking and theft of mobile phones in Yishun

A 23-year-old man was arrested for allegedly breaking into a Yishun Ring Road rental flat and stealing eight mobile phones worth S$3,400 from five tenants. The Singapore Police responded swiftly on 1 September, identifying and apprehending the suspect on the same day. The man has been charged with housebreaking, which carries a potential 10-year jail term.

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SINGAPORE: A 23-year-old man has been arrested for allegedly breaking into a rental flat along Yishun Ring Road and stealing eight mobile phones from five tenants.

The incident occurred in the early hours on Sunday (1 September), according to a statement from the Singapore Police Force.

The authorities reported that they received a call for assistance at around 5 a.m. on that day.

Officers from the Woodlands Police Division quickly responded and, through ground enquiries and police camera footage, were able to identify and apprehend the suspect on the same day.

The stolen mobile phones, with an estimated total value of approximately S$3,400, were recovered hidden under a nearby bin.

The suspect was charged in court on Monday with housebreaking with the intent to commit theft.

If convicted, he could face a jail term of up to 10 years and a fine.

In light of this incident, the police have advised property owners to take precautions to prevent similar crimes.

They recommend securing all doors, windows, and other openings with good quality grilles and padlocks when leaving premises unattended, even for short periods.

The installation of burglar alarms, motion sensor lights, and CCTV cameras to cover access points is also advised. Additionally, residents are urged to avoid keeping large sums of cash and valuables in their homes.

The investigation is ongoing.

Last month, police disclosed that a recent uptick in housebreaking incidents in private residential estates across Singapore has been traced to foreign syndicates, primarily involving Chinese nationals.

Preliminary investigations indicate that these syndicates operate in small groups, targeting homes by scaling perimeter walls or fences.

The suspects are believed to be transient travelers who enter Singapore on Social Visit Passes, typically just a day or two before committing the crimes.

Before this recent surge in break-ins, housebreaking cases were on the decline, with 59 reported in the first half of this year compared to 70 during the same period last year.

However, between 1 June and 4 August 2024, there were 10 reported housebreaking incidents, predominantly in private estates around the Rail Corridor and Bukit Timah Road.

The SPF has intensified efforts to engage residents near high-risk areas by distributing crime prevention advisories, erecting alert signs, and training them to patrol their neighborhoods, leading to an increase in reports of suspicious activity.

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