Connect with us

Commentaries

Singaporeans left without a voice in delineating constituencies

Published

on

EBRC Boundaries

The release of the Electoral Boundaries Review Committee’s (EBRC) report gave Singaporeans a gift for the weekend: a valid excuse to begin elections speculation in earnest, a chance to mock the geographically ridiculous constituencies and argue over the winners and losers based simply on the shifting of lines.

What the EBRC report hasn’t given Singaporeans, though, is a voice.

Singaporeans were kept in the dark when the EBRC was first convened this year – it was a full two months before Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, who has the power to convene the committee as well as provide them with their terms of reference, said in Parliament that the committee had been formed.

Then the report was released, with about one in five voters finding themselves having shifted constituencies overnight through no effort of their own. There are now more Single Member Constituencies (SMC), and the average number of members in Group Representative Constituencies (GRC) has also come down. Apart form the newly-formed (or reintroduced) constituencies, two SMCs, Joo Chiat and Whampoa, have disappeared, along with the Moulmein-Kallang GRC.

I downloaded the EBRC report in the hopes of finding out more about their process and deliberations. Yet I found nothing beyond the list of recommended electoral divisions – accompanied by the number of voters in each division according to the committee’s recommended sizes – and a notice that the government has accepted the recommendations.

And that was that. Beyond the fact that the Prime Minister had asked for more SMCs and smaller GRCs, there was little explanation of the process or the justification for the placement of boundary lines. Readers of the report had no way of knowing how particular areas were deemed worthy of standing on their own as SMCs, while others were lumped together as GRCs.

In the absence of any official justification, Singapore’s online community erupted with accusations of gerrymandering. People pointed towards the removal of Joo Chiat SMC, a constituency the Workers’ Party’s Yee Jenn Jong had narrowly lost in 2011. The reduction in size of East Coast GRC was also seen as a way to cut the People Action Party’s (PAP) losses.

Accusations of the PAP giving themselves an unfair advantage are par for the course during elections. Having the Elections Department under the Prime Minister’s Office simply invites criticism of a skewed playing field, a race in which one of the runners also holds the starter pistol.

The defining of electoral divisions is a crucial part of elections. Early this year Malaysian electoral reform group Bersih 2.0 called out the Electoral Commission in Malaysia for its proposal to redraw electoral boundaries in Sarawak, going to the extent of seeking a court injunction. They were able to do this because Schedule 13 of Malaysia’s Federal Constitution requires the Electoral Commission to disclose its proposals on altering electoral boundaries for feedback and objections from the public.

Publicising electoral boundaries in Singapore – a look into the past

Neither Singapore’s Constitution nor the Parliamentary Elections Act makes such provision for the delineation of constituencies. In fact, section 8(1) of the Parliamentary Elections Act states that

“The Minister may, from time to time, by notification in the Gazette, specify the names and boundaries of the electoral divisions of Singapore for purposes of elections under this Act.”

Yet the principle of allowing voters and candidates to register objections to the drawing of boundaries is not alien to Singapore. When the Local Government Elections Bill was debated in the Legislative Assembly in 1957, it had contained wording very similar to the Parliamentary Elections Act we have today, giving the Minister the power to “specify the names and boundaries of the electoral divisions of any local government area for purposes of elections under this Ordinance.”

John Ede, a member of the Progressive Party, sought to amend the bill so that it would require proposed alterations to be notified in four successive Gazettes and also to be advertised once a week for four consecutive weeks in one English, one Chinese, one Malay and one Tamil newspaper, so that “all persons affected” could make their objections known before any voting in City or District Council elections could take place.

“[I]f the Government does not accept the principle that the delineation of electoral divisions should be subject to public scrutiny and objections if necessary, then it lays itself open to the charge of political manipulation even if it is innocent, and that goes for any other government of the future,” he argued.

There was some debate on Ede’s proposal when he first put it forth on 17 July 1957, and again the following week on 25 July 1957. The Chief Secretary, William A. C. Goode, dismissed Ede’s arguments, saying that

“…the ordinary voter in Singapore has very little personal interest whether he goes to a polling station in a constituency called Cairnhill or one called Tanglin, whatever name you would like to suggest. The first concern of the voter surely is merely that he should be able to exercise his vote with the minimum inconvenience, that is to say that the polling station should be reasonably near his place of residence.”

Yet Ede’s argument had its supporters, and the amendment – albeit with some modifications – was eventually agreed upon.

Lee Kuan Yew, then one of the few PAP members in the Legislative Assembly, agreed with the principle of transparency, and argued for the benefits of justifying the delineation of boundaries to all political parties:

“On principle it is advisable to have the work of this Committee [which decides on the constituencies] placed before all political Parties. If there has been no gerrymandering it would be obvious to everybody, and everybody would then be quite happy. … Nothing would be lost if the reasons for the delineations are placed before an All-Party Committee. If the Committee is fully aware of the fact that any radical alteration to the boundary lines may well lead to a postponement of the elections, that is a responsibility which will be shouldered by every political Party.”

The Local Government Elections Ordinance was repealed in 1960 to be “in keeping with the declared policy of the present Government to have unified administration in Singapore instead of two parallel administrations, namely, Central Government and Local Government.” The principle of advertising alterations to electoral boundaries presumably went with it.

The lack of opportunity for Singaporean voters and potential political candidates to register their objections to the alteration of electoral boundaries – a process that has been criticised for being opaque – simply strengthens an already widely-held belief that constituencies are drawn and redrawn for the benefit of the incumbent. Whether this really is the case or not is practically irrelevant at this point; the notion has already been accepted by huge swathes of the electorate, just as John Ede predicted all those years ago.

What can citizens do?

According to Jack Tsen-Ta Lee, Assistant Professor of Law at the Singapore Management University, the Prime Minister’s decision to alter electoral boundaries is “theoretically subject to judicial review before the High Court on the ground that it is either unconstitutional or a breach of administrative law principles.”

But bringing such a case would be difficult. The applicant would first have to prove that he or she had sufficient standing to bring such a case before the courts. And even if he or she succeeded in convincing the court on this point, there would remain the difficulty of arguing that the redrawing of the boundaries was unlawful.

“[C]an it be said that the adjustment of a constituency boundary has breached one or more administrative law rules? Let’s take one of them — when making a decision, a public authority must take into account all mandatory relevant considerations, and must not take into account irrelevant ones. If the applicant argued that the PM had failed in the former respect, he could counter this by arguing that he had appointed the EBRC to look into the matter, and the Committee had considered all mandatory relevant considerations such as the change in the number of voters, etc. If the PM is able to convince the court that no major considerations have been overlooked, then he would not have acted unlawfully,” said Lee.

On top of these difficulties, Lee says the High Court could simply decline to hear the application on the basis of the subject matter being “not justiciable”, which means it is “inappropriate for determination by a court because it is really a political rather than a legal issue.”

The last, but not least, hurdle would be the matter of time; it is unlikely that there would be sufficient time for a case to move through the courts between the release of the EBRC report and the writ of elections being issued.

“If the PM declines to wait for the outcome of the case but pushes ahead with the election timetable, would the High Court issue an injunction to halt the election process?” Lee said. “Again, this has never been done before, so it’s hard to know whether the Court would take such a step. Again, it could be said that an injunction of this sort is inappropriate as it would be an interference with political processes and thus a violation of the separation of powers.”

It seems then that the legal route is unlikely to bring success in pushing for a public consultation period on the redelineation of constituencies. With this route more or less unavailable to us, the onus then falls on political parties and concerned citizens to work together to find ways to demand electoral reform, not just for this elections – for which it is probably already too late – but for all the elections that will come after.

Continue Reading
Click to comment
Subscribe
Notify of
0 Comments
Newest
Oldest Most Voted
Inline Feedbacks
View all comments

Commentaries

Lim Tean criticizes Govt’s rejection of basic income report, urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices

Lim Tean, leader of Peoples Voice (PV), criticizes the government’s defensive response to the basic living income report, accusing it of avoiding reality.

He calls on citizens to assess affordability and choose MPs who can truly enhance their lives in the upcoming election.

Published

on

SINGAPORE: A recently published report, “Minimum Income Standard 2023: Household Budgets in a Time of Rising Costs,” unveils figures detailing the necessary income households require to maintain a basic standard of living, using the Minimum Income Standard (MIS) method.

The newly released study, spearheaded by Dr Ng Kok Hoe of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy (LKYSPP) specifically focuses on working-age households in 2021 and presents the latest MIS budgets, adjusted for inflation from 2020 to 2022.

The report detailed that:

  • The “reasonable starting point” for a living wage in Singapore was S$2,906 a month.
  • A single parent with a child aged two to six required S$3,218 per month.
  • Partnered parents with two children, one aged between seven and 12 and the other between 13 and 18, required S$6,426 a month.
  • A single elderly individual required S$1,421 a month.
  • Budgets for both single and partnered parent households averaged around S$1,600 per member. Given recent price inflation, these figures have risen by up to 5% in the current report.

Singapore Govt challenges MIS 2023 report’s representation of basic needs

Regrettably, on Thursday (14 Sept), the Finance Ministry (MOF), Manpower Ministry (MOM), and Ministry of Social and Family Development (MSF) jointly issued a statement dismissing the idea suggested by the report, claiming that minimum household income requirements amid inflation “might not accurately reflect basic needs”.

Instead, they claimed that findings should be seen as “what individuals would like to have.”, and further defended their stances for the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) and other measures to uplift lower-wage workers.

The government argued that “a universal wage floor is not necessarily the best way” to ensure decent wages for lower-wage workers.

The government’s statement also questions the methodology of the Minimum Income Standards (MIS) report, highlighting limitations such as its reliance on respondent profiles and group dynamics.

“The MIS approach used is highly dependent on respondent profiles and on group dynamics. As the focus groups included higher-income participants, the conclusions may not be an accurate reflection of basic needs.”

The joint statement claimed that the MIS approach included discretionary expenditure items such as jewellery, perfumes, and overseas holidays.

Lim Tean slams Government’s response to basic living income report

In response to the government’s defensive reaction to the recent basic living income report, Lim Tean, leader of the alternative party Peoples Voice (PV), strongly criticizes the government’s apparent reluctance to confront reality, stating, “It has its head buried in the sand”.

He strongly questioned the government’s endorsement of the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) as a means to uplift the living standards of the less fortunate in Singapore, describing it as a misguided approach.

In a Facebook video on Friday (15 Sept), Lim Tean highlighted that it has become a global norm, especially in advanced and first-world countries, to establish a minimum wage, commonly referred to as a living wage.

“Everyone is entitled to a living wage, to have a decent life, It is no use boasting that you are one of the richest countries in the world that you have massive reserves, if your citizens cannot have a decent life with a decent living wage.”

Lim Tean cited his colleague, Leong Sze Hian’s calculations, which revealed a staggering 765,800 individuals in Singapore, including Permanent Residents and citizens, may not earn the recommended living wage of $2,906, as advised by the MIS report.

“If you take away the migrant workers or the foreign workers, and take away those who do not work, underage, are children you know are unemployed, and the figure is staggering, isn’t it?”

“You know you are looking at a very substantial percentage of the workforce that do not have sufficient income to meet basic needs, according to this report.”

He reiterated that the opposition parties, including the People’s Voice and the People’s Alliance, have always called for a minimum wage, a living wage which the government refuses to countenance.

Scepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs

In a time of persistently high inflation, Lim Tean expressed skepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs.

He cautioned against believing in predictions of imminent inflation reduction and lower interest rates below 2%, labeling them as unrealistic.

Lim Tean urged Singaporeans to assess their own affordability in these challenging times, especially with the impending GST increase.

He warned that a 1% rise in GST could lead to substantial hikes in everyday expenses, particularly food prices.

Lim Tean expressed concern that the PAP had become detached from the financial struggles of everyday Singaporeans, citing their high salaries and perceived insensitivity to the common citizen’s plight.

Lim Tean urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices

Highlighting the importance of the upcoming election, Lim Tean recommended that citizens seriously evaluate the affordability of their lives.

“If you ask yourself about affordability, you will realise that you have no choice, In the coming election, but to vote in a massive number of opposition Members of Parliament, So that they can make a difference.”

Lim Tean emphasized the need to move beyond the traditional notion of providing checks and balances and encouraged voters to consider who could genuinely improve their lives.

“To me, the choice is very simple. It is whether you decide to continue with a life, that is going to become more and more expensive: More expensive housing, higher cost of living, jobs not secure because of the massive influx of foreign workers,” he declared.

“Or you choose members of Parliament who have your interests at heart and who want to make your lives better.”

Continue Reading

Commentaries

Political observers call for review of Singapore’s criteria of Presidential candidates and propose 5 year waiting period for political leaders

Singaporean political observers express concern over the significantly higher eligibility criteria for private-sector presidential candidates compared to public-sector candidates, calling for adjustments.

Some also suggest a five year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before allowed to partake in the presidential election.

Notably, The Workers’ Party has earlier reiterated its position that the current qualification criteria favor PAP candidates and has called for a return to a ceremonial presidency instead of an elected one.

Published

on

While the 2023 Presidential Election in Singapore concluded on Friday (1 September), discussions concerning the fairness and equity of the electoral system persist.

Several political observers contend that the eligibility criteria for private-sector individuals running for president are disproportionately high compared to those from the public sector, and they propose that adjustments be made.

They also recommend a five-year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before being allowed to participate in the presidential election.

Aspiring entrepreneur George Goh Ching Wah, announced his intention to in PE 2023 in June. However, His application as a candidate was unsuccessful, he failed to receive the Certificate of Eligibility (COE) on 18 August.

Mr Goh had expressed his disappointment in a statement after the ELD’s announcement, he said, the Presidential Elections Committee (PEC) took a very narrow interpretation of the requirements without explaining the rationale behind its decision.

As per Singapore’s Constitution, individuals running for the presidency from the private sector must have a minimum of three years’ experience as a CEO in a company.

This company should have consistently maintained an average shareholders’ equity of at least S$500 million and sustained profitability.

Mr Goh had pursued eligibility through the private sector’s “deliberative track,” specifically referring to section 19(4)(b)(2) of the Singapore Constitution.

He pointed out five companies he had led for over three years, collectively claiming a shareholders’ equity of S$1.521 billion.

Notably, prior to the 2016 revisions, the PEC might have had the authority to assess Mr Goh’s application similarly to how it did for Mr Tan Jee Say in the 2011 Presidential Election.

Yet, in its current formulation, the PEC is bound by the definitions laid out in the constitution.

Calls for equitable standards across public and private sectors

According to Singapore’s Chinese media outlet, Shin Min Daily News, Dr Felix Tan Thiam Kim, a political analyst at Nanyang Technological University (NTU) Singapore, noted that in 2016, the eligibility criteria for private sector candidates were raised from requiring them to be executives of companies with a minimum capital of S$100 million to CEOs of companies with at least S$500 million in shareholder equity.

However, the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates remained unchanged. He suggests that there is room for adjusting the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates.

Associate Professor Bilver Singh, Deputy Head of the Department of Political Science at the National University of Singapore, believes that the constitutional requirements for private-sector individuals interested in running are excessively stringent.

He remarked, “I believe it is necessary to reassess the relevant regulations.”

He points out that the current regulations are more favourable for former public officials seeking office and that the private sector faces notably greater challenges.

“While it may be legally sound, it may not necessarily be equitable,” he added.

Proposed five-year waiting period for political leaders eyeing presidential race

Moreover, despite candidates severing ties with their political parties in pursuit of office, shedding their political affiliations within a short timeframe remains a challenging endeavour.

A notable instance is Mr Tharman Shanmugaratnam, who resigned from the People’s Action Party (PAP) just slightly over a month before announcing his presidential candidacy, sparking considerable debate.

During a live broadcast, his fellow contender, Ng Kok Song, who formerly served as the Chief Investment Officer of GIC, openly questioned Mr Tharman’s rapid transition to a presidential bid shortly after leaving his party and government.

Dr Felix Tan suggests that in the future, political leaders aspiring to run for the presidency should not only resign from their parties but also adhere to a mandatory waiting period of at least five years before entering the race.

Cherian George and Kevin Y.L. Tan: “illogical ” to raise the corporate threshold in 2016

Indeed, the apprehension regarding the stringent eligibility criteria and concerns about fairness in presidential candidacy requirements are not limited to political analysts interviewed by Singapore’s mainstream media.

Prior to PE2023, CCherian George, a Professor of media studies at Hong Kong Baptist University, and Kevin Y.L. Tan, an Adjunct Professor at both the Faculty of Law of the National University of Singapore and the NTU’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), brought attention to the challenges posed by the qualification criteria for candidates vying for the Singaporean Presidency.

In their article titled “Why Singapore’s Next Elected President Should be One of its Last,” the scholars discussed the relevance of the current presidential election system in Singapore and floated the idea of returning to an appointed President, emphasizing the symbolic and unifying role of the office.

They highlighted that businessman George Goh appeared to be pursuing the “deliberative track” for qualification, which requires candidates to satisfy the PEC that their experience and abilities are comparable to those of a typical company’s chief executive with shareholder equity of at least S$500 million.

Mr Goh cobbles together a suite of companies under his management to meet the S$500m threshold.

The article also underscored the disparities between the eligibility criteria for candidates from the public and private sectors, serving as proxies for evaluating a candidate’s experience in handling complex financial matters.

“It is hard to see what financial experience the Chairman of the Public Service Commission or for that matter, the Chief Justice has, when compared to a Minister or a corporate chief.”

“The raising of the corporate threshold in 2016 is thus illogical and serves little purpose other than to simply reduce the number of potentially eligible candidates.”

The article also touches upon the issue of candidates’ independence from political parties, particularly the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP).

It mentions that candidates are expected to be non-partisan and independent, and it questions how government-backed candidates can demonstrate their independence given their previous affiliations.

The Workers’ Party advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency

It comes as no surprise that Singapore’s alternative party, the Workers’ Party, reaffirmed its stance on 30 August, asserting that they believe the existing qualifying criteria for presidential candidates are skewed in favour of those approved by the People’s Action Party (PAP).

They argue that the current format of the elected presidency (EP) undermines the principles of parliamentary democracy.

“It also serves as an unnecessary source of gridlock – one that could potentially cripple a non-PAP government within its first term – and is an alternative power centre that could lead to political impasses.”

Consistently, the Workers’ Party has been vocal about its objection to the elected presidency and has consistently called for its abolition.

Instead, they advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency, a position they have maintained for over three decades.

Continue Reading

Trending