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Public servants in political parties – politically neutral?

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public serviceChew Thiam Kwee and Victor Lye are both public servants.

One is a senior manager with the National Parks Board (Nparks), the other the chairman of a Citizens Consultative Committee (CCC).

They are also both members of the People’s Action Party (PAP) and both hold office positions in the party.

One is a PAP branch chairman while the other a PAP branch secretary.

What does this mean for the Public Service’s ethos of political neutrality and impartiality?

Why is this important?

Well, because it has often been said that public servants and the Public Service, and especially the Civil Service, are supposed to be politically neutral.

Mr Chew’s political appointment came to light when the controversy over the Chinese temple/columbarium in Fernvale hit the news last week.

The MP of the SMC is Lam Pin Min, who is also the PAP Branch Chairman there.

Here is a screenshot of the PAP Sengkang West website:

papsw

How significant, really, is the position of Branch Secretary?

According to this website,

The second highest appointment in the constituency (in PAP language is called Branch) is not the Vice-Chairman but is the Branch Secretary. The Branch Secretaries, are appointed by the MP, conduct the Meet-the-People Session each week and decides on matters pertaining to the local levels with the MP. The third in line would be the Vice-Chairman.”

So, Mr Chew is not an insignificant member of the PAP.

His senior manager position with NParks is in the Industry/Centre for Urban Greenery and Ecology (CUGE) Division.

Lye

Lye

The other person who has been in the news is Victor Lye.

Mr Lye, although not a Member of Parliament, is nonetheless the PAP Branch Chairman of the Bedok Reservoir-Punggol branch, which is one of 5 electoral divisions in Aljunied Group Representation Constituency (GRC), run by the opposition Workers’ Party (WP).

He is, at the same time, the chairman of the Bedok Reservoir-Punggol Citizens Consultative Committee (CCC), a grassroots organisation under the People’s Association.

The CCC is not a small or ordinary grassroots organisation. It is, in fact, at the very apex of all grassroots organisations, which number more than 1,500.

So, Mr Lye’s position is not insignificant either.

Now, how do the various appointments of the two men relate to the question of the political neutrality of the Public Service?

Some have said, rightly so, that NParks is a statutory board, and that in the same vein, Mr Lye’s CCC is under the People’s Association (PA) which is also a statutory board.

Thus, the argument goes, the idea of political neutrality, which most would associate with the Civil Service, rather than the Public Service, does not apply to the two men, who would be seen as public servants, and not civil servants.

But this is not entirely accurate, as we shall see.

Political neutrality or political impartiality applies, actually, to the Public Service as well.

Public Service vs Civil Service

But first, a little clarification on what constitutes the Public Service, and what constitutes the Civil Service, and by extension those who serve in them.

The Public Service includes the Civil Service, and the statutory boards.

“The Singapore Public Service employs some 139,000 officers in 16 Ministries and more than 50 Statutory Boards.” (PSD)

The Civil Service is a component part of or within the Public Service.

The Civil Service is the organisation which encompasses those who work in the various ministries, who number some 82,000 officers.

Political neutrality

In 2009, at a students’ forum organised by the People’s Association Youth Movement, the integrity of Singapore’s political and electoral system took centrestage.

Among other questions, the students probed the panel, which consisted of Deputy Prime Minister Teo Chee Hean and senior civil servants, on the political neutrality of the civil service.

This was what the then Deputy Principal Senior State Counsel from the Attorney-General’s Chambers, Owi Beng Ki, said:

“Civil servants under the constitution hold their allegiance to the president. The symbolism that is attached to that is we actually serve at the pleasure of a politically neutral institution. It is one of the values of the civil service that we are politically impartial.

The Straits Times reported what Tan Boon Huat, the then chief executive director of the PA, had said at the forum:

“Mr Tan, who is also PA’s chief executive director, said his instructions to civil servants working during election season are clear: We do nothing to affect the voters’ choice.”

Indeed, the Straits Times again reported – one month after the general elections of May 2011:

“The PA’s policy is that its grassroots groups have to remain non-partisan.”

These views are actually nothing new and have been the view of the Civil Service for some years.

In a speech published in the Civil Service magazine, Challenge, in 2005, the then Head of the Civil Service, Eddie Teo, addressed the question of political neutrality directly, and is worth quoting in full.

Do note that he was referring to the Public Service.

“In Singapore, where the same political party has been in power for 45 years, can and should the Public Service be “politically neutral”? After such a lengthy cohabitation, is the Singapore Public Service totally politicised and just an administrative arm of the People’s Action Party, as alleged by some critics?

“A former senior civil servant, J.Y.M Pillay, has argued that the Public Service should be impartial but not politically neutral because it must be pro-Government, in that it should serve the government in power. I think this argument is valid only if we make no distinction whatsoever between the government and the ruling political party and between national and party interest.

“Even though the longevity of the PAP has made the distinction blurred, so long as public officers believe that the public interest does not always coincide with the party interest, the term “political neutrality” continues to be a useful reminder of their proper role.”

One would think that indeed there is, and should be, a distinction between the government and the ruling party, and between national and party interest, and that consequently, the idea that the Public Service must be politically neutral is relevant.

In fact, as shown above, Mr Teo’s views are held by the Civil Service to this day.

Two hats but impartial and neutral?

So, it is not in dispute that the Public Service, including the Civil Service, must be politically neutral.

But is this possible if the same individual public/civil servant is also a member of a political party, and especially one who holds political positions in the party?

While some may say that yes, it is possible for one to be a member of a political party and yet be politically neutral in his dealings with the public, perhaps it is good to be reminded that fairness, like justice, must not only be done but also to be seen to be done.

And why is this important?

The answer has to do with what lies at the very heart of what holds a country together, the glue that holds government and people in a bond – that precious thing we call trust.

If the Public Service, which deals with the public on a daily basis, is seen to not be (politically) impartial, there can only be an erosion of trust eventually.

An example would be the recent spat between the National Environment Agency (NEA) and the opposition Workers’ Party (WP) over the matter of dirty hawker centre ceilings. Some see the NEA as being politically motivated to cast the opposition party in a bad light.

In the past, there was the controversial HDB upgrading programme where the HDB was seen as being politically partisan, and more recently the role of the CCC in Aljunied GRC where the MP of the area has to seek the stamp of support from the chairman of the CCC – who also happens to be the branch chairman of the PAP – in order to organise a grassroots event.

It is thus worth noting that in recent years, government leaders and the Head of the Civil Service have all spoken about this – how we should not erode trust in our public institution.

Has there been a degradation of trust?

Not yet.

In a recent survey on Singaporeans’ trust in their national institutions, the Civil Service was ranked 6th. (See here.)

This is testament to the good work of the majority in the Service, who live by certain ethos, as espoused by Mr Teo in 2005 – an ethos that “is based on the principles of meritocracy, incorruptibility and impartiality; and the core values of integrity, service and excellence.”

Do the perceived political partisanship or political partiality and affiliation of some of our public servants threaten to damage this goodwill of trust which has been built up between the government and the people?

One would wish that a public servant would decide on either of two choices – either choose to serve in the Service and be politically neutral without any political membership in any political party or organisation, or choose to serve in the political party without also serving in the Service.

This is to preserve the integrity of the Service, along with its incorruptibility and impartiality, the organisation’s core values.

Otherwise, there is a potential and a risk that such a person might make biased decisions based not on merit but on political considerations, which opens the way to corruption, not to mention the real potential of destroying the trust between the government and the people as well.

pn“It would be a great shame if the altruistic aspect of Public Service is eroded and we stop regarding Public Service as a vocation,” said Mr Teo in 2005. “Removing the Public Service ethos will pluck the soul out of the Public Service and remove the true meaning and purpose of working for government.”

There is a reason why civil servants under the constitution hold their allegiance to the president, as Ms Owi said.

“The symbolism that is attached to that is we actually serve at the pleasure of a politically neutral institution.”

Public servants, thus, should ponder seriously on why this is so, and what this means, and why it is important to be politically neutral – and be seen to be so.

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Chee Soon Juan questions Shanmugam’s $88 million property sale amid silence from Mainstream Media

Dr Chee Soon Juan of the SDP raised concerns about the S$88 million sale of Mr K Shanmugam’s Good Class Bungalow at Astrid Hill, questioning transparency and the lack of mainstream media coverage. He called for clarity on the buyer, valuation, and potential conflicts of interest.

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On Sunday (22 Sep), Dr Chee Soon Juan, Secretary General of the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP), issued a public statement on Facebook, expressing concerns regarding the sale of Minister for Home Affairs and Law, Mr K Shanmugam’s Good Class Bungalow (GCB) at Astrid Hill.

Dr Chee questioned the transparency of the S$88 million transaction and the absence of mainstream media coverage despite widespread discussion online.

According to multiple reports cited by Dr Chee, Mr Shanmugam’s property was transferred in August 2023 to UBS Trustees (Singapore) Pte Ltd, which holds the property in trust under the Jasmine Villa Settlement.

Dr Chee’s statement focused on two primary concerns: the lack of response from Mr Shanmugam regarding the transaction and the silence of major media outlets, including Singapore Press Holdings and Mediacorp.

He argued that, given the ongoing public discourse and the relevance of property prices in Singapore, the sale of a high-value asset by a public official warranted further scrutiny.

In his Facebook post, Dr Chee posed several questions directed at Mr Shanmugam and the government:

  1. Who purchased the property, and is the buyer a Singaporean citizen?
  2. Who owns Jasmine Villa Settlement?
  3. Were former Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and current Prime Minister Lawrence Wong informed of the transaction, and what were their responses?
  4. How was it ensured that the funds were not linked to money laundering?
  5. How was the property’s valuation determined, and by whom?

The Astrid Hill property, originally purchased by Mr Shanmugam in 2003 for S$7.95 million, saw a significant increase in value, aligning with the high-end status of District 10, where it is located. The 3,170.7 square-meter property was sold for S$88 million in August 2023.

Dr Chee highlighted that, despite Mr Shanmugam’s detailed responses regarding the Ridout Road property, no such transparency had been offered in relation to the Astrid Hill sale.

He argued that the lack of mainstream media coverage was particularly concerning, as public interest in the sale is high. Dr Chee emphasized that property prices and housing affordability are critical issues in Singapore, and transparency from public officials is essential to maintain trust.

Dr Chee emphasized that the Ministerial Code of Conduct unambiguously states: “A Minister must scrupulously avoid any actual or apparent conflict of interest between his office and his private financial interests.”

He concluded his statement by reiterating the need for Mr Shanmugam to address the questions raised, as the matter involves not only the Minister himself but also the integrity of the government and its responsibility to the public.

The supposed sale of Mr Shamugam’s Astrid Hill property took place just a month after Mr Shanmugam spoke in Parliament over his rental of a state-owned bungalow at Ridout Road via a ministerial statement addressing potential conflicts of interest.

At that time, Mr Shanmugam explained that his decision to sell his home was due to concerns about over-investment in a single asset, noting that his financial planning prompted him to sell the property and move into rental accommodation.

The Ridout Road saga last year centred on concerns about Mr Shanmugam’s rental of a sprawling black-and-white colonial bungalow, occupying a massive plot of land, managed by the Singapore Land Authority (SLA), which he oversees in his capacity as Minister for Law. Minister for Foreign Affairs, Dr Vivian Balakrishnan, also rented a similarly expansive property nearby.

Mr Shanmugam is said to have recused himself from the decision-making process, and a subsequent investigation by the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) found no wrongdoing while Senior Minister Teo Chee Hean confirmed in Parliament that Mr Shanmugam had removed himself from any decisions involving the property.

As of now, Mr Shanmugam has not commented publicly on the sale of his Astrid Hill property.

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Redditors question support for PAP over perceived arrogance and authoritarian attitude

Despite Senior Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s warning that slimmer electoral margins would limit the government’s political space “to do the right things”, many Redditors questioned their support for the ruling PAP, criticising its perceived arrogance. They argued that SM Lee’s remarks show the party has ‘lost its ways’ and acts as if it alone can determine what is right. Others noted that the PAP’s supermajority allows for the passage of unfavourable policies without adequate scrutiny.

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In a recent speech, Senior Minister Lee Hsien Loong warned that “if electoral margins get slimmer, the government will have less political space to do the right things.”

Mr Lee, who served as Prime Minister for 20 years, highlighted the risks associated with increasingly competitive politics.

“It will become harder to disregard short-term considerations in decision-making. The political dynamics will become very different,” he stated during his speech at the Annual Public Service Leadership Ceremony 2024 on 17 September.

“Singaporeans must understand the dangers this creates, and so must the public service,” SM Lee stressed.

SM Lee pointed out that Singapore faces formidable internal and external challenges in the years ahead, with rising expectations and demands from citizens.

As growth becomes harder to achieve and politics becomes more fiercely contested, he warned, “Things can go wrong for Singapore too.”

He urged vigilance in preparing for an uncertain future, noting, “As the world changes, and as the generations change, we must do our best to renew our system – to ensure that it continues to work well for us, even as things change.”

Critique of PAP’s Arrogance and Disconnect from Singaporeans

The People’s Action Party (PAP) experienced a notable decline in its vote share during the 2020 General Election, securing 61.24% of the votes and winning 83 out of 93 seats, a drop from 69.9% in 2015.

A significant loss was in Sengkang GRC, where the PAP team, led by former Minister Ng Chee Meng, was defeated by the Workers’ Party (WP).

In discussions on Reddit, some users questioned why they should support the ruling PAP, criticising the party’s perceived arrogance.

They pointed out that SM Lee’s recent remarks illustrate that the party has strayed from effectively serving Singaporeans and seems to believe it has the sole authority to decide what is right.

Others highlighted that the PAP’s super-majority in Parliament enables the passage of unfavourable policies without sufficient scrutiny.

One comment acknowledged that while many older Singaporeans remain loyal to the PAP due to its past achievements, younger generations feel the party has failed to deliver similar results.

There is significant frustration that essentials like housing and the cost of living have become less affordable compared to previous generations.

The comment emphasised the importance of the 2011 election results, which they believe compelled the PAP to reassess its policies, especially concerning foreign labor and job security.

He suggested that to retain voter support, the PAP must continue to ensure a good material standard of living.

“Then, I ask you, vote PAP for what? They deserve to lose a supermajority. Or else why would they continue to deliver the same promises they delivered to our parents? What else would get a bunch of clueless bureaucrats to recognise their problems?”

Emphasising Government Accountability to the Public

Another Redditor argued that it is the government’s responsibility to be accountable to the people.

He further challenged SM Lee’s assertion about having less political space to do the right things, questioning his authority to define what is “right” for Singapore.

The comment criticised initiatives like the Founder’s Memorial and the NS Square, suggesting they may serve to boost the egos of a few rather than benefit the broader population. The Redditor also questioned the justification for GST hikes amid rising living costs.

“Policies should always be enacted to the benefit of the people, and it should always be the people who decide what is the best course of action for our country. No one should decide that other than us.”

The comment called for an end to narratives that present the PAP as the only party capable of rescuing Singapore from crises, stating that the country has moved past the existential challenges of its founding era and that innovative ideas can come from beyond a single political party.

Another comment echoed this sentiment, noting that by stating this, SM Lee seemingly expects Singaporeans to accept the PAP’s assumption that they—and by extension, the government and public service—will generally do the “right things.”

“What is conveniently overlooked is that the point of having elections is to have us examine for ourselves if we accept that very premise, and vote accordingly.”

A comment further argued that simply losing a supermajority does not equate to a lack of political space for the government to make the right decisions.

The Redditor express frustration with SM Lee’s rhetoric, suggesting that he is manipulating public perception to justify arbitrary changes to the constitution.

Concerns Over PAP’s Supermajority in Parliament

Another comment pointed out that the PAP’s supermajority in Parliament enables the passage of questionable and controversial policies, bypassing robust debate and discussion.

The comment highlighted the contentious constitutional amendments made in late 2016, which reserved the elected presidency for candidates from a specific racial group if no president from that group had served in the previous five terms.

A comment highlighted the contrast: in the past, the PAP enjoyed a wide electoral margin because citizens believed they governed effectively. Now, the PAP claims that without a substantial electoral margin, they cannot govern well.

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