Politics
Immigration: Are Singaporeans winners or losers?
By Tan Jee Say
“There are gainers and losers of a country’s immigration policy. Gainers are the users of immigrant labour namely, employers and consumers. Losers are native workers who compete with the immigrants.”
A simple, logical and bold statement from one of the world’s leading scholar-researchers on immigration economics. When I met Professor George Borjas at the Harvard Kennedy School of Government recently as part of my Harvard Fellowship, he made it clear to me that he was not taking sides in the ongoing debate on immigration in the US. He just wanted to state the facts as he saw them. Far too often, policy makers focused on the positive aspects but neglected to address the negative and harmful consequences.
Big losers – choosy natives?
Prof Borjas reminded me of PAP ministers who constantly exhort Singaporeans to be grateful to foreigners for making the creation of jobs possible. They and their apologists even claim that the immigrants are merely doing the jobs that local citizens shun.
Prof Borjas said he heard a similar argument in the US but retorted that it was a false statement, stating categorically that “immigrants do jobs natives don’t want at the going rate“. He cited the example of taxi drivers in New York; there were hardly any native American driving cabs in the Big Apple as immigrant taxi drivers were cheaper.
However in the countryside such as in Iowa, cab drivers were predominantly natives. I told him of a comparable example with cleaners in Singapore. Like their counterparts in the US, employers in Singapore suppress the wages of Singaporean workers and blame them for being choosy. So Singaporeans lose jobs to cheaper foreigners or work at wages that only the weak and elderly would accept.
I asked about the minimum wage: wouldn’t it protect native American workers? He said the minimum wage in the US was too low and applied mostly to teenagers. And there were older workers particularly illegal immigrants who accepted wages lower than the minimum wage.
Prof Borjas told me US immigration is bi-polar in proportionate terms. A lot come in at the lower end with little education; the typical Mexican immigrant has only 6-8 years of schooling. There are also a substantial number at the high end, that is, immigrants with high degrees. However, there are very few in between. This is unlike Singapore where rules are relaxed for middle level foreigners to come in on S passes and replace middle level Singaporean managers and professionals.
The other losers – institutions, cultures and values
In addition to native workers, local institutions are the other losers of immigrant labour. Prof Borjas explained that immigrants come from societies that are at a different level of development from the US. They have a long term impact on the institutions, cultures and values of the host country. We notice the differences in Singapore too. Their standards of efficiency are also different and have an impact on the quality of services that has been negative in many areas of public services, in restaurants and over the counter. We are all too familiar with frequent disruptions and breakdowns of MRT train services, burst water pipes at the world’s best airport, falling ceilings in shopping malls, major telecommunication and trading disruptions affecting financial institutions, and the failure of many other previously acclaimed world class services.
Limits of tolerance
The differences in culture and values have also given rise to increasing instances of social tension between Singaporeans and foreign workers. Have the limits of tolerance been reached? I put this question to Mary Waters, who is Professor of Sociology at Harvard and a renowned researcher on integration of immigrant communities in the US.
Prof Waters said it depends on the proportion of immigrants in the national population and their rate of increase. She felt that at 12%, the proportion of immigrants in the US is not high; it comprises roughly one-third new citizens, another third on green card (PR) and the final third illegals.
However, the rate of increase has been uneven in different parts of the country, with the south and mid-west (“the new destinations”) rising from zero immigrant to 10% in one decade. It was an astonishing rate of growth. There was a comparable experience at the turn of the 20th century when one million immigrants came in from southern and central Europe every year. It led to riots particularly against the Italians and Jews that resulted in the enactment of anti-immigration laws in the 1920s up to 1965 when the legislation was relaxed because of the civil rights movement.
Foreigners now account for about 40% of the Singapore population and their pace of growth had been very rapid, with one million coming in over 10 years, representing a 25% increase. Even though the pace has moderated very recently (or so we are told), it still adds significant numbers to what is already a very high proportion of foreigners in our midst. The numbers are stretching the limits of tolerance. The Little India riot and other eruptions of social tension are clear manifestations.
Be winners, not losers
We should not risk any more social disruptions with additional foreign workers when we already have difficulty coping with existing numbers. To minimize discontinuity at the workplace, we can work with existing numbers of foreign workers, make better use of them or refresh them with better ones but keeping to current numbers and not increasing them. Over time, we should reduce their numbers and make greater use of Singaporean workers.
For this to happen, there must be priority for hiring Singaporeans, a fair wage including a reasonable minimum wage and non-discriminatory employment practices that take into account the CPF contributions of Singaporean workers and the military reservist liabilities of male Singaporeans. When these conditions are in place, Singaporean workers will cease to be losers compared to foreign workers, and will emerge as winners. SingFirst has plans to make this happen and will announce its proposals in due course.
If you want to be winners and not losers in your own country, vote in a party that will put these fair working conditions in place. You have a choice to do so in the next general election to be held in 2015/2016.
Vote change to become winners, and not remain as losers.
Our freedom to choose is our power to change.
This article was first published on the website of local political party, Singfirst.
Civil Society
Lim Chin Joo remembered for his contributions to Singapore’s anti-colonial movement
Singaporeans mourn Lim Chin Joo, younger brother of Lim Chin Siong, who passed away at age 87. Political dissident Tan Wah Piow, historian Dr Thum Ping Tjin, and former Minister George Yeo paid tribute to Mr Lim, highlighting his significant contributions to the anti-colonial movement and his later involvement in Singapore’s historical studies.
Following the news of the passing of Lim Chin Joo (林清如) at age 87, a former political detainee and younger brother of Barisan Sosialis leader Lim Chin Siong, many Singaporeans from civil society, as well as those involved in political, literary, or historical studies, expressed their condolences on social media.
According to Lianhe Zaobao, Mr Lim, a former student activist and former president of the Ee Hoe Hean Club, sustained a severe head injury on 1 October 2024 after an accidental fall and was rushed to the hospital.
He passed away the following night, leaving behind his widow, four children, and several grandchildren.
Lawyer Tan Wah Piow, a political dissident and former student leader from the 1970s, recalled a chance encounter with Lim Chin Joo on 4 October 2016 at a pedestrian crossing in Bayswater, London.
Lim introduced himself, and although both were headed to different restaurants for dinner, they briefly parted ways. Later that evening, Tan managed to meet Lim again at the Mandarin Kitchen, where they took a photo together.
Tan expressed regret that they didn’t have more time to converse. Although they maintained occasional contact over the years, they could not meet again, largely due to the COVID-19 pandemic and Lim’s health condition.
Mr Tan noted that while Lim Chin Joo was widely recognised as the brother of Lim Chin Siong, “In his own right, Chin Joo was a patriot whose political journey began as a middle school student activist.”
He highlighted Mr Lim’s contributions to the anti-colonial movement, later becoming a trade unionist.
Lim shared the fate of many Chinese-educated youths at the time, suffering imprisonment without trial—first under British rule in 1957, and later until 1966, even after Singapore attained self-rule and independence.
“Why did his own government imprison him without trial after the British left? That was the subject I would love to explore.”
Mr Tan also remarked that despite the interruptions to Lim’s life, he managed to qualify and practice as a lawyer in Singapore.
“That evening, the subject of Chin Joo’s brother Lim Chin Siong, weighed heavily on my mind. This was because within 100 yards of the restaurant where I was dining, Lim Chin Siong once lived and worked during his exile in the 1970s.”
“Arrested without trial in 1963, Lim Chin Siong was exiled to London in 1969 as a condition of his release. The six years of imprisonment from 1963 to his exile greatly affected this national hero’s health and well-being. ”
Mr Lim’s Significant Contributions to Singapore’s Civil Society and Historical Study
Dr Thum Ping Tjin, a Singaporean historian and activist, shared in a Facebook post on Sunday (6 October) that Mr Lim was highly supportive of his work, assisting with his research and showing great enthusiasm for the publication of Nationalism and Decolonisation in Singapore, 1953-63.
Despite being very unwell, Mr Lim was insistent on meeting up to discuss the book.
“He even bought a dozen copies of my book on the spot! He was also really looking forward to my upcoming biography of his brother, Lim Chin Siong.”
“I’m sad that he will not be able to read it. Rest in Power, Chin Joo.”
Illustrator Sonny Liew also recalled that Mr Lim, along with the Ee Hoe Hean Club, provided a small grant to support the development of a new graphic novel some years ago.
Mr Lim also assisted with a book launch at Grassroots Book Room (草根書室) in 2019.
Separately, historian Dr Loh Kah Seng shared his first meeting with Mr Lim in 2007 while working on his PhD. Dr Loh explained that he had reached out to Mr Lim because of his experience working at the Land Office after his release from detention.
“He picked me up and drove me to his house. He told me a few things about squatter laws and reiterated that he would not talk about his brother. ”
Dr Loh also noted that Mr Lim mentioned he was working on his memoir at the time. The memoir was published in 2014, and Mr Lim kindly sent him a copy. By then, he had become more open about sharing his story and Singapore’s history.
Former Foreign Affairs Minister George Yeo Pays Tribute to Lim Chin Joo
Former Minister for Foreign Affairs George Yeo also shared a photo with the late Lim Chin Joo in remembrance of him.
In her tribute, Singaporean writer Loo Li San expressed deep sorrow over the passing of Lim Chin Joo, reflecting on his profound influence on her and others in Singapore.
She shared personal memories, highlighting his encouragement for her writing and how he served as both a mentor and a guiding figure in her life.
She recalled what Mr Lim told her: ‘Li San, would you like to write for Yihe Shiji (怡和世纪, quarterly publication by Ee Hoe Hean Club)?’
‘You can write anything; I love to read whatever you write.’
Ms Loo emphasised that his legacy would continue to inspire her and others to strive for greatness.
From Student Activist to Legal Scholar
Born in 1937 in Pontian, Johor, Lim Chin Joo attended The Chinese High School in Singapore after World War II, and became actively involved in student and labour movements, notably as a key member of the Singapore Chinese Middle School Student Union in 1957.
At the age of 20, he was detained under the Preservation of Public Security Ordinance, now known as the Internal Security Act (ISA).
His detention lasted nine years, during which he pursued his education and earned a Bachelor of Laws degree from the University of London.
Upon his release in 1966, he joined the Singapore government’s elite administrative service, later transitioning to private legal practice in 1973, where he continued to work until his retirement in 2002.
Lim authored several books, including My Youth in Black and White, reflecting on his life and his brother, Lim Chin Siong, and in his later years, he served as an honorary adviser to the Ee Hoe Hean Club, a gathering place for Chinese businessmen in Singapore.
Civil Society
Lim Chin Joo, younger brother of Lim Chin Siong, passes away at age 87
Lim Chin Joo, former political detainee and younger brother of Barisan Sosialis leader Lim Chin Siong, passed away at 87. Involved in the student movement, Lim was detained in 1957. After his release in 1966, he served as a land revenue collector before transitioning to legal practice. He also authored books about his brother and his time in detention.
SINGAPORE: Lim Chin Joo (林清如), former political detainee and younger brother of Barisan Socialis leader Lim Chin Siong (林清祥), has passed away at the age of 87.
According to an obituary seen by The Online Citizen, the former student activist’s wake was held from 3 October to 6 October at Singapore Casket, Regency Hall, located at 131 Lavender Street.
His funeral service took place on Sunday (6 October), at 8.35 am, followed by cremation at Mandai Crematorium Hall 3 at 10.20 am.
According to Lianhe Zaobao, Lim sustained a severe head injury on 1 October after an accidental fall and was taken to the hospital.
He passed away the following night. Lim leaves behind his widow, four children, and several grandchildren.
His daughter, Lim Danliang, noted that despite surviving two major heart surgeries in the last five years, he had come to terms with his deteriorating health and made clear arrangements for his funeral, keeping it a private affair for close family members only.
Born in 1937 in Pontian, Johor, Lim Chin Joo was the third of 12 children.
His early life was marked by the challenges of the Japanese occupation, during which his family fled to the rubber plantations to escape the conflict.
In the aftermath of the war, Lim attended The Chinese High School (now part of Hwa Chong Institution) in Singapore, where he became involved in local student and labour movements.
He was a key member of the Singapore Chinese Middle School Student Union and became deeply engaged in the political climate of the time.
Detained in August 1957
In August 1957, at the age of 20, he was detained under the Preservation of Public Security Ordinance, now known as the Internal Security Act (ISA).
His detention lasted nine years, during which he was held in various locations, including Changi Prison, the Central Police Station, and St. John’s Island.
This period of his life coincided with pivotal moments in Singapore’s history, including the 1959 Legislative Assembly election, the 1962 merger referendum, the 1963 election, and the separation of Singapore from Malaysia in 1965.
While incarcerated, Lim took the opportunity to further his education. He pursued academic qualifications and, at the age of 28, obtained a Bachelor of Laws degree with second-class honours from the University of London.
Lim Accepted Lee Kuan Yew’s Offer and Became Land Revenue Collector
Upon his release in 1966, he took up a position in the Singapore government’s elite administrative service.
In a 2019 interview with Mothership, Lim shared that he had met with then Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, who offered him a role in the Ministry of Law as a collector of land revenue.
Lim accepted the position and played a role in the acquisition of Pulau Tekong, remaining in public service for seven years.
In 1973, Lim transitioned to private legal practice, establishing himself as a lawyer. He continued his law career until his retirement in 2002.
Lim also authored several books, including memoirs that reflected on his life and his relationship with his older brother, Lim Chin Siong.
In his book My Youth in Black and White, Lim chronicled his experiences from childhood through to his years as a student activist and brief stint as a trade unionist before his arrest.
He described his brother as “a man with a big heart” who always sought to bring people together.
In his later years, Lim volunteered as an honorary adviser to the Ee Hoe Hean Club, a gathering place for Chinese businessmen in Singapore.
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