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Response to Chee Soon Juan on the recent HLP fracas

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By Jeremy Chen

I am a SDP party member who cannot help but disagree with Chee Soon Juan’s position that we should just forgive Roy Ngerng, Han Hui Hui and co’s bad behaviour because “freedom” means having the “freedom to make mistakes”.

The gist of what he said is that we should let things be, “criticize if we must” and excuse the mistakes. Extremely low weight was placed on responsibility. Holding people responsible for their actions is a must, not something to be done “if we must”.

I joined the SDP on the basis of line party members (i.e.: non-appointment holders who’d get no personal political mileage out of their work) walking the talk on rights advocacy and being sure to take responsibility for their actions (without the element of responsibility, civil disobedience is just lawlessness). As such, I believe that responsibility is central to the ideals of the party, and I don’t think it’s right to sacrifice it to support irresponsible behaviour on the part of “an enemy of our political foe”.

To decide whether any behavior is something that might be lightly excused, we need to think of the nature of the behaviour. But note, first, that decent behaviour is something we expect even of children. Children might be excused if they behave disruptively (within limits). Certainly, more leeway might be given to children, but it’s hard to justifiably excuse adults for deliberate bad behaviour.

As a point of comparison, Ho Ching is frequently attacked on the Internet (Tony Tan too) for large investment losses made on Singapore’s reserves and lacklustre investment performance vis a vis index benchmarks. Are we going to excuse Ho Ching all the investment losses and the poor relative investment returns because she has no financial markets background (that we know of)? There being no reason to think she did not deliberately lose money or act irresponsibly, there seems to be an even stronger case to excuse Ho Ching for large investment losses and overall poor performance than Roy Ngerng and Co for lack of decency.

But RN and HHH have apologized, have they not? Unfortunately, we all know that talk can be very cheap. It’s a well known and rather sad fact. Indeed, all the statements of “just apologize and survive to fight another day” is a reflection of how cheap talk is. One can say sorry, but actions are a better measurements of the character of a person.

Indeed, shortly after Ngerng, in his defamation case, (i) apologized to the PM, (ii) acknowledged defamation, and (iii) undertook not to repeat the defamation, he then (a) posted articles with similar content, (b) obscured the fact that videos he agreed to take down where still accessible (in particular, available to anyone in the world with the link), and (c) wrote e-mails to a recipient list that including many journalists and activists informing them of where they could get access to the aforementioned content. This is a simple illustration that talk can be very cheap. (Furthermore, with some individuals, there is an argument that their undertakings should be secured.) It is my personal view that RN, HHH and Co were only willing to apologize in response to public outrage so as to salvage political capital. There is no evidence whatsoever of contrition.

Some say lower standards apply because RN and HHH are “activists”, not “politicians”. Whether RN and HHH are politicians or not, that is not really relevant. But on a similarly irrelevant count, we should not be naïve about classifying people as politicians or activists. Look at the kind of things Ngerng says. Evaluate the language. Does he sound more politician or activist? How does he seem to be positioning himself? Be honest with yourself. Also, are activists excused from standards of decent behaviour? Bad behaviour by activists tars the causes they advocate. I do not think activists who value their causes would be willing to compromise on standards of decent behaviour.

We tend to be willing to be a little dishonest with ourselves when it comes to the wrongdoings of friends or “enemies of our enemies”. We are more willing to forgive our noisy kid on the MRT while we complain bitterly about the noisy kids of other people. As human beings, that is an inescapable part of our nature that just is there. We just have to be aware of it and try to exert some control over it, or our nature will control us.

Some argue that PAP MPs who “unthinkingly piled on” should be criticized. They have a point, but it is not relevant to the misbehaviour of Ngerng and Co. The “wrongs” of the PAP MPs does not mitigate the behaviour of Ngerng and HHH.

As mentioned at the start, holding people responsible for their actions is a must, not something to be done “if we must”. We should be more honest and apply standards fairly. Double standards are the root of cronyism and corruption. If the SDP is led down this path, maybe a SDP government would not be such a good idea after all. The SDP stands for ensuring the rights of Singaporeans, thus giving them a real say in government, that in turn enabling Singaporeans to promote the broad-based well-being of Singaporeans now and into the future. Underlying these goals has been a commitment to responsibility that is tightly linked to the focus on rights. By giving excuses for “friends”, Chee Soon Juan erodes the moral position of the party. To me, this is a huge failure in leadership.

(Note: My position on these and related matters are not unknown to Chee Soon Juan and many others active in the SDP. This is not a “sudden strike” by a double-headed serpent. I would have been content to not speak out if he had not put forth that irresponsible position. Chee Soon Juan holds the Secretary General position in the SDP and what he says will likely be taken to be “the position of the SDP and its members”. In writing this, I am trying to state that the SDP is a party of responsibility and that position Chee Soon Juan has taken is against party values. Winning “support” is meaningless if we do so by throwing out our values. I do not want the SDP to become tarred by association with egoistic demagogues who are quick to declare “historic moments” but who add nothing to the national conversation. I also see it as crucial that a certain group that Chee Soon Juan thinks as part of the party base does not become all of it.)

This article was first published on Jeremy Chen’s Facebook page. See also the original statement by Dr Chee Soon Juan on the SDP website. TOC has received permission from both Dr Chee and Mr Chen to republish these.

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Reforming Singapore’s defamation laws: Preventing legal weapons against free speech

Opinion: The tragic suicide of Geno Ong, linked to the financial stress from a defamation lawsuit, raises a critical issue: Singapore’s defamation laws need reform. These laws must not be weaponized to silence individuals.

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by Alexandar Chia

This week, we hear the tragic story of the suicide of Geno Ong, with Ong citing the financial stress from the defamation lawsuit against her by Raymond Ng and Iris Koh.

Regardless of who’s right and who’s wrong, this Koh/Ng vs Ong affair raises a wider question at play – the issue of Singapore’s defamation laws and how it needs to be tightened.

Why is this needed? This is because defamation suits cannot be weaponised the way they have been in Singapore law. It cannot be used to threaten people into “shutting up”.

Article 14(2)(a) of the Constitution may permit laws to be passed to restrict free speech in the area of defamation, but it does not remove the fact that Article 14(1)(a) is still law, and it permits freedom of speech.

As such, although Article 14(2)(a) allows restrictions to be placed on freedom of speech with regard to the issue of defamation, it must not be to the extent where Article 14(1)(a)’s rights and liberties are not curtailed completely or heavily infringed on.

Sadly, that is the case with regard to precedence in defamation suits.

Let’s have a look at the defamation suit then-PM Goh Chok Tong filed against Dr Chee Soon Juan after GE 2001 for questions Dr Chee asked publicly about a $17 billion loan made to Suharto.

If we look at point 12 of the above link, in the “lawyer’s letter” sent to Dr Chee, Goh’s case of himself being defamed centred on lines Dr Chee used in his question, such as “you can run but you can’t hide”, and “did he not tell you about the $17 billion loan”?

In the West, such lines of questioning are easily understood at worse as hyperbolically figurative expressions with the gist of the meaning behind such questioning on why the loan to Suharto was made.

Unfortunately, Singapore’s defamation laws saw Dr Chee’s actions of imputing ill motives on Goh, when in the West, it is expected of incumbents to take the kind of questions Dr Chee asked, and such questions asked of incumbent office holders are not uncommon.

And the law permits pretty flimsy reasons such as “withdrawal of allegations” to be used as a deciding factor if a statement is defamatory or not – this is as per points 66-69 of the judgement.

This is not to imply or impute ill intent on Singapore courts. Rather, it shows how defamation laws in Singapore needs to be tightened, to ensure that a possible future scenario where it is weaponised as a “shut-up tool”, occurs.

These are how I suggest it is to be done –

  1. The law has to make mandatory, that for a case to go into a full lawsuit, there has to be a 3-round exchange of talking points and two attempts at legal mediation.
  2. Summary judgment should be banned from defamation suits, unless if one party fails to adduce evidence or a defence.
  3. A statement is to be proven false, hence, defamatory, if there is strictly material along with circumstantial evidence showing that the statement is false. Apologies and related should not be used as main determinants, given how many of these statements are made in the heat of the moment, from the natural feelings of threat and intimidation from a defamation suit.
  4. A question should only be considered defamatory if it has been repeated, after material facts of evidence are produced showing, beyond reasonable doubt, that the message behind the question, is “not so”, and if there is a directly mentioned subject in the question. For example, if an Opposition MP, Mr A, was found to be poisoned with a banned substance, and I ask openly on how Mr A got access to that substance, given that its banned, I can’t be found to have “defamed the government” with the question as 1) the government was not mentioned directly and 2) if the government has not produced material evidence that they indeed had no role in the poisoning affair, if they were directly mentioned.
  5. Damages should be tiered, with these tiers coded into the Defamation Act – the highest quantum of damages (i.e. those of a six-figured nature) is only to be reserved if the subject of defamation lost any form of office, revenue or position, or directly quantifiable public standing, or was subjected to criminal action, because of the act of defamation. If none of such occur, the maximum amount of damages a plaintiff in a defamation can claim is a 4-figure amount capped at $2000. This will prevent rich and powerful figures from using defamation suits and 6-figure damages to intimidate their questioners and detractors.
  6. All defendants of defamation suit should be allowed full access to legal aid schemes.

Again, this piece does not suggest bad-faith malpractice by the courts in Singapore. Rather, it is to suggest how to tighten up defamation laws to avoid it being used as the silencing hatchet.

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Current Affairs

Man arrested for alleged housebreaking and theft of mobile phones in Yishun

A 23-year-old man was arrested for allegedly breaking into a Yishun Ring Road rental flat and stealing eight mobile phones worth S$3,400 from five tenants. The Singapore Police responded swiftly on 1 September, identifying and apprehending the suspect on the same day. The man has been charged with housebreaking, which carries a potential 10-year jail term.

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SINGAPORE: A 23-year-old man has been arrested for allegedly breaking into a rental flat along Yishun Ring Road and stealing eight mobile phones from five tenants.

The incident occurred in the early hours on Sunday (1 September), according to a statement from the Singapore Police Force.

The authorities reported that they received a call for assistance at around 5 a.m. on that day.

Officers from the Woodlands Police Division quickly responded and, through ground enquiries and police camera footage, were able to identify and apprehend the suspect on the same day.

The stolen mobile phones, with an estimated total value of approximately S$3,400, were recovered hidden under a nearby bin.

The suspect was charged in court on Monday with housebreaking with the intent to commit theft.

If convicted, he could face a jail term of up to 10 years and a fine.

In light of this incident, the police have advised property owners to take precautions to prevent similar crimes.

They recommend securing all doors, windows, and other openings with good quality grilles and padlocks when leaving premises unattended, even for short periods.

The installation of burglar alarms, motion sensor lights, and CCTV cameras to cover access points is also advised. Additionally, residents are urged to avoid keeping large sums of cash and valuables in their homes.

The investigation is ongoing.

Last month, police disclosed that a recent uptick in housebreaking incidents in private residential estates across Singapore has been traced to foreign syndicates, primarily involving Chinese nationals.

Preliminary investigations indicate that these syndicates operate in small groups, targeting homes by scaling perimeter walls or fences.

The suspects are believed to be transient travelers who enter Singapore on Social Visit Passes, typically just a day or two before committing the crimes.

Before this recent surge in break-ins, housebreaking cases were on the decline, with 59 reported in the first half of this year compared to 70 during the same period last year.

However, between 1 June and 4 August 2024, there were 10 reported housebreaking incidents, predominantly in private estates around the Rail Corridor and Bukit Timah Road.

The SPF has intensified efforts to engage residents near high-risk areas by distributing crime prevention advisories, erecting alert signs, and training them to patrol their neighborhoods, leading to an increase in reports of suspicious activity.

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