Commentaries
NWC: Oh no, not again?
By Leong Sze Hian and Roy Ngerng of The Heart Truths
I refer to the article “National Wages Council calls for another round of wage hikes for the low-income” (Straits Times online, May 31 5 pm).
$60 increase?
It had stated that “For the second year in a row, the National Wages Council (NWC) has recommended that firms give a minimum raise to employees who earn less than $1,000 a month.”
Last year $50 increase?
The article also reported that the NWC had, “called on such workers to have their monthly salary increased by at least $60. Last year, the recommended increase was $50.”
Networking for unemployed and employers
I was at a networking and job-matching session for the unemployed and employers organised by transitioning.org on 31 May. I went because of the free buffet dinner (just in case you think that I am employed) – a very good dinner at an Indonesian restaurant.
There were about 40 unemployed and 5 employers.
“Wayang”?
Whilst talking to some of the unemployed Singaporeans, one of them said something which struck me – something along the lines that “Singapore is a great “wayang” – always a lot of talk, the same talk year after year – but problem never get solved”.
Life works in strange ways – when I woke up the next morning on 1 June – I read the news about the NWC recommendations.
Lo and behold – what the unemployed chap said hit me again like a rock as I read the news reports about the NWC recommendations.
By now, you must be wondering why I’m “being hit by the rock”?
Well, what struck me was to wonder as to whether I can find any statistics to see whether the NWC recommendations in recent years has resulted in helping low-wage workers get higher pay or not.
If the answer is “No” – assuming I can find the statistics in the first place – then what the unemployed person I met saying “wayang” may make even more sense and not just a mere “grumbling” complaint, which is to be expected from a person who has been unemployed for a very long time.
238,000 earn below $1,000
According to the Ministry of Manpower’s (MOM) Labour Force in Singapore 2012, the number of locals earning less than $500 and between $500 and $1,000 was 51,300 and 186,700, respectively in 2012.
This means that a total of 238,000 locals earned less than $1,000. Now, this is gross income which includes the employees’ CPF contribution of up to about 20 per cent. So, the net take-home pay may be even lower.
So, arguably, if the NWC recommendations had been effective in the past, the number of workers earning less than $1,000 should be declining.
Those earning below $1,000 increased?
Unfortunately (for low-wage Singaporeans), the number earning less than $1,000 actually increased by about 1 per cent from 2011′s 236,300.
If you factor in inflation for last year, which was about 4.6 per cent (not to mention the NWC’s recommendation last year to increase by $50) – the situation is pathetic.
12% earn below $1,000?
Since the total local workforce in 2012 was 1,988,000, it means that about 12 per cent of locals (238,000) earn less than $1,000.
As I am analysing these numbers – I don’t know about you, but I feel very sad – that we are the richest country in the world – and yet we have so many low-wage workers. Sigh!
23% earn below $1,500?
If you count those who earn less than $1,500 – there were another 216,600 workers. In other words, the total number of lower wage locals who earn less than $1,500 was 454,600, which was about 23 per cent of the total local workforce.
The above statistics are for all local workers (full-time and part-time). But now, if we were to look at the number of full-time locals – those who earn less than $500, between $500 and $1,000 and between $1,000 and $1,500 were at 7,600, 106,500 and 187,600, respectively.
7,600 work full-time for less than $500?
Can you imagine – working full-time for less than $500 – and there were 7,600 workers!
114,000 work full-time for less than $1,000?
In other words, the total number working full-time and earning less than $1,000 was 114,100.
Those earning less than $1,000 keep increasing?
This is an increase of about 3.4 per cent from 2011′s 110,400 (in spite of NWC recommendation and after accounting for inflation).
11,097 employers pay less than $1,500?
From my understand, there are about 9 per cent of employers (11,097 employers) that have workers who earn less than $1,500.
So many didn’t accept NWC recommendations?
The Straits Times had also reported that, “While eight in 10 companies in the unionised sector accepted the recommendations and boosted the pay of their low-wage workers by at least $50 last year, but only three in 10 non-unionised companies followed suit.”
NTUC “Very concerned”?
Employer group the Singapore National Federation of Employers had said that the progress was a “good start”, but the National Trades Union Congress said that it was “very concerned” with the slow pace”. The word, “wayang” (the unemployed person’s word, not mine), resonated in my mind again, as it seems that NTUC’s almost annual protestations of concern and “wanting” to make progress, do not appear to pan out in the wage statistics.
I think we need urgent action and statistical benchmark targets to uplift low-wage workers’ pay and reduce their numbers, instead of rhetoric year after year (kind of like NATO – No Action Talk Only).
No minimum wage
But the real problem is this – in Singapore, there is no minimum wage. If you look at Chart 1, you can see the minimum wages of some countries compared.
Singapore doesn’t even have a minimum wage.
Chart 1: International Labour Organisation Data collection on wages and income
Which means we have very low purchasing power
But more importantly, what does this mean for your purchasing power? What this means is that Singaporeans have the lowest purchasing power among the developed cities, as you can see in Chart 2.
Chart 2: UBS Prices and Earnings 2011
Not only that, another report also collaborates on this – Singapore has the second lowest purchasing power parity among the developed countries compared (Chart 3).
Chart 3: World Economic Forum The Travel & Tourism Competitiveness Report 2013
Because we don’t have strong unions
Now, that’s not to say that a minimum wage policy is the definite solution to increasing the wages of the low wage workers. There are actually some economically developed countries that do not have minimum wage laws.
If you see in Chart 4, you can see the countries without minimum wage laws and their median nominal wages. You can see that even though they do not have minimum wages, their wages are still significantly higher than Singapore’s!
Chart 4: International Labour Organisation Data collection on wages and income
Of course, these are nominal wages – so what about after taxes?
In Chart 5, if we use the lowest tax rate of each country (I was not able to locate the tax rate for the median income earner), you will see that Singaporeans still earn the lowest wages!
Even after deducting for taxes, Singaporeans wages are very low!
Chart 5: International Labour Organisation Data collection on wages and income, Wikipedia List of countries by tax rate
But more importantly, do you know the reason why even though these countries do not have minimum wages that their workers still continue to receive such high wages? – Unions. They have strong, independent unions in these countries which have strong bargaining power and are able to fight for the collective wages of the workers. According to the OECD Observer, “This group of countries, which also includes Austria, Italy and the Scandinavian countries, has traditionally relied on collective bargaining agreements to set wage floors, covering sectors and occupations which account for a very high proportion of the workforce.”
The question is this – NTUC might lament about how it is “very concerned” and that “this year”, the talks with non-unionised firms were “not an easy negotiation”. Question is – why? Does the NTUC truly care about the workers? Is the NTUC independent enough of the government to not be influenced by the government’s profit-making pursuit?
95.9% “no hew” NWC recommendation?
By the way, 95.9 per cent of private establishments had not given the one-off special
payment to their rank-and-file employees as recommended by the NWC in 2010, according to the Ministry of Manpower’s Report on wages 2011.
So, it’s the third year now, of NWC recommendations that “nobody seems to care”! Do you?
Wage Credit Scheme won’t benefit low wage workers
The Straits Times reported that, “NTUC had wanted a bigger increase (than the $60) since the Government’s Wage Credit Scheme (WCS) would subsidise part of the pay hike, but employers were hesitant.”
According to IRAS, “Under the WCS, the Government will co-fund 40% of wage increases given to Singaporean employees earning a gross monthly wage of up to $4,000. WCS covers wage increases that are given in 2013 to 2015.”
In Budget 2013, the government had announced that the Wage Credit Scheme “is estimated to cost the government about $3.6 billion over 3 years.”
Now, there are about 1 million Singaporeans earning below $4,000. Thus with the $3,6 billion, there is enough for all the 1 million Singaporeans to receive an average increase of $250 each for 3 years, where the government co-funds 40%, or $100.
If this is so, why is the government only recommending an increase of $60 for the low wage worker, when the low wage worker should rightfully be able to get an increase of $250?
The government had said that the WCS is meant to benefit the low wage worker but if the low wage worker is only expecting to receive an increment of $60, doesn’t that mean that the higher wage worker would be receiving the bulk of the increment instead? How will the low wage worker even benefit from WCS? It seems almost too convenient that the minimum increase that employers need to give to workers is only $50 to be able to qualify for the WCS.
Low wage workers sees drop in real wages in 2000s
Already, do you know that the lowest wage workers in Singapore has actually seen their real incomes dropped in the last decade (Chart 6)?
Chart 6: The Straits Times Foreign talent policy had effect on income gap
So, how is a $60 increase going to make much of a difference at all? After accounting for inflation, will their real wages still drop in 2013?
$600 or only $60 increase?
The government had even come out with a grand scheme called the “Progressive Wage Structure” where a low wage worker can see his/her income grow from $1,000 to $1,600 (Chart 7).
But this “progressive structure” would only benefit the worker if he/she gets promoted. How many workers will all be able to get promoted?
Chart 7: Recommendation for Tripartite Cluster for Cleaners on Progressive Wages
The final truth is that the government is only expecting workers to get a $60 increment – not $600. Low wage workers will be forced to remain as low wage workers.
Government will use law against the people but not against unfair businesses
Finally, The Straits Times reported that, “Singapore National Employers Federation (SNEF) president Stephen Lee acknowledged the lower compliance rate”, but all the NWC could do was to “urge companies” to make a “special effort” to raise wages.
One wonders why the government could decide to so easily implement a new “licensing framework” to make “online news sites” pay a $50,000 performance bond and to take down their articles within 24 hours when the government deems fit so that they could keep netizens – ordinary Singaporeans – in line, but yet, the government couldn’t and wouldn’t enact a ruling that can similar keep businesses in line.
Why is it that the government would not hesitate to “punish” Singaporeans but would just “urge” companies even as they are mistreating our low wage workers in Singapore?
Does the government want to prevent Singaporeans from speaking up online precisely because we have been able to expose the government for its wrongdoings and unfair treatment?
This Saturday, #FreeMyInternet, made up of a group of Singaporeans with an online presence, will be holding a protest to denounce the government for its actions. Please join us at the protest:
Date: 8 June 2013, Saturday
Time: 4.00pm to 7.00pm
Venue: Speaker’s Corner, Hong Lim Park
For more information, please visit the protest website: http://www.freemyinternet.com/index.html
Commentaries
Lim Tean criticizes Govt’s rejection of basic income report, urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices
Lim Tean, leader of Peoples Voice (PV), criticizes the government’s defensive response to the basic living income report, accusing it of avoiding reality.
He calls on citizens to assess affordability and choose MPs who can truly enhance their lives in the upcoming election.
SINGAPORE: A recently published report, “Minimum Income Standard 2023: Household Budgets in a Time of Rising Costs,” unveils figures detailing the necessary income households require to maintain a basic standard of living, using the Minimum Income Standard (MIS) method.
The newly released study, spearheaded by Dr Ng Kok Hoe of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy (LKYSPP) specifically focuses on working-age households in 2021 and presents the latest MIS budgets, adjusted for inflation from 2020 to 2022.
The report detailed that:
- The “reasonable starting point” for a living wage in Singapore was S$2,906 a month.
- A single parent with a child aged two to six required S$3,218 per month.
- Partnered parents with two children, one aged between seven and 12 and the other between 13 and 18, required S$6,426 a month.
- A single elderly individual required S$1,421 a month.
- Budgets for both single and partnered parent households averaged around S$1,600 per member. Given recent price inflation, these figures have risen by up to 5% in the current report.
Singapore Govt challenges MIS 2023 report’s representation of basic needs
Regrettably, on Thursday (14 Sept), the Finance Ministry (MOF), Manpower Ministry (MOM), and Ministry of Social and Family Development (MSF) jointly issued a statement dismissing the idea suggested by the report, claiming that minimum household income requirements amid inflation “might not accurately reflect basic needs”.
Instead, they claimed that findings should be seen as “what individuals would like to have.”, and further defended their stances for the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) and other measures to uplift lower-wage workers.
The government argued that “a universal wage floor is not necessarily the best way” to ensure decent wages for lower-wage workers.
The government’s statement also questions the methodology of the Minimum Income Standards (MIS) report, highlighting limitations such as its reliance on respondent profiles and group dynamics.
“The MIS approach used is highly dependent on respondent profiles and on group dynamics. As the focus groups included higher-income participants, the conclusions may not be an accurate reflection of basic needs.”
The joint statement claimed that the MIS approach included discretionary expenditure items such as jewellery, perfumes, and overseas holidays.
Lim Tean slams Government’s response to basic living income report
In response to the government’s defensive reaction to the recent basic living income report, Lim Tean, leader of the alternative party Peoples Voice (PV), strongly criticizes the government’s apparent reluctance to confront reality, stating, “It has its head buried in the sand”.
He strongly questioned the government’s endorsement of the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) as a means to uplift the living standards of the less fortunate in Singapore, describing it as a misguided approach.
In a Facebook video on Friday (15 Sept), Lim Tean highlighted that it has become a global norm, especially in advanced and first-world countries, to establish a minimum wage, commonly referred to as a living wage.
“Everyone is entitled to a living wage, to have a decent life, It is no use boasting that you are one of the richest countries in the world that you have massive reserves, if your citizens cannot have a decent life with a decent living wage.”
Lim Tean cited his colleague, Leong Sze Hian’s calculations, which revealed a staggering 765,800 individuals in Singapore, including Permanent Residents and citizens, may not earn the recommended living wage of $2,906, as advised by the MIS report.
“If you take away the migrant workers or the foreign workers, and take away those who do not work, underage, are children you know are unemployed, and the figure is staggering, isn’t it?”
“You know you are looking at a very substantial percentage of the workforce that do not have sufficient income to meet basic needs, according to this report.”
He reiterated that the opposition parties, including the People’s Voice and the People’s Alliance, have always called for a minimum wage, a living wage which the government refuses to countenance.
Scepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs
In a time of persistently high inflation, Lim Tean expressed skepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs.
He cautioned against believing in predictions of imminent inflation reduction and lower interest rates below 2%, labeling them as unrealistic.
Lim Tean urged Singaporeans to assess their own affordability in these challenging times, especially with the impending GST increase.
He warned that a 1% rise in GST could lead to substantial hikes in everyday expenses, particularly food prices.
Lim Tean expressed concern that the PAP had become detached from the financial struggles of everyday Singaporeans, citing their high salaries and perceived insensitivity to the common citizen’s plight.
Lim Tean urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices
Highlighting the importance of the upcoming election, Lim Tean recommended that citizens seriously evaluate the affordability of their lives.
“If you ask yourself about affordability, you will realise that you have no choice, In the coming election, but to vote in a massive number of opposition Members of Parliament, So that they can make a difference.”
Lim Tean emphasized the need to move beyond the traditional notion of providing checks and balances and encouraged voters to consider who could genuinely improve their lives.
“To me, the choice is very simple. It is whether you decide to continue with a life, that is going to become more and more expensive: More expensive housing, higher cost of living, jobs not secure because of the massive influx of foreign workers,” he declared.
“Or you choose members of Parliament who have your interests at heart and who want to make your lives better.”
Commentaries
Political observers call for review of Singapore’s criteria of Presidential candidates and propose 5 year waiting period for political leaders
Singaporean political observers express concern over the significantly higher eligibility criteria for private-sector presidential candidates compared to public-sector candidates, calling for adjustments.
Some also suggest a five year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before allowed to partake in the presidential election.
Notably, The Workers’ Party has earlier reiterated its position that the current qualification criteria favor PAP candidates and has called for a return to a ceremonial presidency instead of an elected one.
While the 2023 Presidential Election in Singapore concluded on Friday (1 September), discussions concerning the fairness and equity of the electoral system persist.
Several political observers contend that the eligibility criteria for private-sector individuals running for president are disproportionately high compared to those from the public sector, and they propose that adjustments be made.
They also recommend a five-year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before being allowed to participate in the presidential election.
Aspiring entrepreneur George Goh Ching Wah, announced his intention to in PE 2023 in June. However, His application as a candidate was unsuccessful, he failed to receive the Certificate of Eligibility (COE) on 18 August.
Mr Goh had expressed his disappointment in a statement after the ELD’s announcement, he said, the Presidential Elections Committee (PEC) took a very narrow interpretation of the requirements without explaining the rationale behind its decision.
As per Singapore’s Constitution, individuals running for the presidency from the private sector must have a minimum of three years’ experience as a CEO in a company.
This company should have consistently maintained an average shareholders’ equity of at least S$500 million and sustained profitability.
Mr Goh had pursued eligibility through the private sector’s “deliberative track,” specifically referring to section 19(4)(b)(2) of the Singapore Constitution.
He pointed out five companies he had led for over three years, collectively claiming a shareholders’ equity of S$1.521 billion.
Notably, prior to the 2016 revisions, the PEC might have had the authority to assess Mr Goh’s application similarly to how it did for Mr Tan Jee Say in the 2011 Presidential Election.
Yet, in its current formulation, the PEC is bound by the definitions laid out in the constitution.
Calls for equitable standards across public and private sectors
According to Singapore’s Chinese media outlet, Shin Min Daily News, Dr Felix Tan Thiam Kim, a political analyst at Nanyang Technological University (NTU) Singapore, noted that in 2016, the eligibility criteria for private sector candidates were raised from requiring them to be executives of companies with a minimum capital of S$100 million to CEOs of companies with at least S$500 million in shareholder equity.
However, the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates remained unchanged. He suggests that there is room for adjusting the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates.
Associate Professor Bilver Singh, Deputy Head of the Department of Political Science at the National University of Singapore, believes that the constitutional requirements for private-sector individuals interested in running are excessively stringent.
He remarked, “I believe it is necessary to reassess the relevant regulations.”
He points out that the current regulations are more favourable for former public officials seeking office and that the private sector faces notably greater challenges.
“While it may be legally sound, it may not necessarily be equitable,” he added.
Proposed five-year waiting period for political leaders eyeing presidential race
Moreover, despite candidates severing ties with their political parties in pursuit of office, shedding their political affiliations within a short timeframe remains a challenging endeavour.
A notable instance is Mr Tharman Shanmugaratnam, who resigned from the People’s Action Party (PAP) just slightly over a month before announcing his presidential candidacy, sparking considerable debate.
During a live broadcast, his fellow contender, Ng Kok Song, who formerly served as the Chief Investment Officer of GIC, openly questioned Mr Tharman’s rapid transition to a presidential bid shortly after leaving his party and government.
Dr Felix Tan suggests that in the future, political leaders aspiring to run for the presidency should not only resign from their parties but also adhere to a mandatory waiting period of at least five years before entering the race.
Cherian George and Kevin Y.L. Tan: “illogical ” to raise the corporate threshold in 2016
Indeed, the apprehension regarding the stringent eligibility criteria and concerns about fairness in presidential candidacy requirements are not limited to political analysts interviewed by Singapore’s mainstream media.
Prior to PE2023, CCherian George, a Professor of media studies at Hong Kong Baptist University, and Kevin Y.L. Tan, an Adjunct Professor at both the Faculty of Law of the National University of Singapore and the NTU’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), brought attention to the challenges posed by the qualification criteria for candidates vying for the Singaporean Presidency.
In their article titled “Why Singapore’s Next Elected President Should be One of its Last,” the scholars discussed the relevance of the current presidential election system in Singapore and floated the idea of returning to an appointed President, emphasizing the symbolic and unifying role of the office.
They highlighted that businessman George Goh appeared to be pursuing the “deliberative track” for qualification, which requires candidates to satisfy the PEC that their experience and abilities are comparable to those of a typical company’s chief executive with shareholder equity of at least S$500 million.
Mr Goh cobbles together a suite of companies under his management to meet the S$500m threshold.
The article also underscored the disparities between the eligibility criteria for candidates from the public and private sectors, serving as proxies for evaluating a candidate’s experience in handling complex financial matters.
“It is hard to see what financial experience the Chairman of the Public Service Commission or for that matter, the Chief Justice has, when compared to a Minister or a corporate chief.”
“The raising of the corporate threshold in 2016 is thus illogical and serves little purpose other than to simply reduce the number of potentially eligible candidates.”
The article also touches upon the issue of candidates’ independence from political parties, particularly the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP).
It mentions that candidates are expected to be non-partisan and independent, and it questions how government-backed candidates can demonstrate their independence given their previous affiliations.
The Workers’ Party advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency
It comes as no surprise that Singapore’s alternative party, the Workers’ Party, reaffirmed its stance on 30 August, asserting that they believe the existing qualifying criteria for presidential candidates are skewed in favour of those approved by the People’s Action Party (PAP).
They argue that the current format of the elected presidency (EP) undermines the principles of parliamentary democracy.
“It also serves as an unnecessary source of gridlock – one that could potentially cripple a non-PAP government within its first term – and is an alternative power centre that could lead to political impasses.”
Consistently, the Workers’ Party has been vocal about its objection to the elected presidency and has consistently called for its abolition.
Instead, they advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency, a position they have maintained for over three decades.
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