Commentaries
AIM debate in Parliament: (Round 9) – Replies that don’t really answer the question?
By Leong Sze Hian
In my article “AIM debate in Parliament: (Round 8) – its all about transparency?” (theonlinecitizen, May 22), I said that I would give more examples of arguably, an occasional lacking in transparency.
So, here’s another example from the most recent Parliamentary sitting:
I refer to the article “S$1.2b donated by Tote Board to social sector in last five years: Josephine Teo” (Channel NewsAsia, May 13).
Only half of donations to social sector?
It states that “the Tote Board has donated S$1.2 billion or almost half of all its donations to the social sector in the last five years.
She said this in response to a question in Parliament by Non-Constituency MP Lina Chiam, who asked why S$400 million was donated towards building the Gardens by the Bay.”
NCMP Lina Chiam’s question
NCMP Lina Chiam’s question was :
“To ask the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Finance (a) why did the Tote Board donate $400 million towards building Gardens by the Bay, which charges admission fees for its conservatories, instead of donating the sum to the needy or funding social services; and (b) whether the Tote Board publishes an annual report detailing its donations made and, if not, why?”
Where did the other half of donations go to?
So, if $1.2 billion was to the social sector which was almost half of all its donations , where did the rest of the half (about $1.2 billion) of the donations go to over the five years?
In addition to the donations to the social sector and other (sector(s)) (which I am asking above), I understand that a surplus is also accumulated into the Tote Board’s reserves every year.
Why have so much surplus, reserves?
As I understand that the Tote Board was originally set up primarily to operate and receive gaming revenue to help the community, why does it need to have so much surpluses for the years and accumulated reserves?
Gardens make money?
As to “the Tote Board board supported the development cost of the gardens, but the donation does not cover the cost of operating the conservatories. The conservatories make full recovery of operating cost through the collection of admission fees” – I don’t think this has adequately answered NCMP Lina Chiam’s question as to why the $400 million was donated to a non-social cause – one which makes money (arguably in addition to covering the operating costs as the reply indicated, unless it makes a loss)?
$400 m to Gardens is more than 6 times the $61m to Charity?
Also, in terms of proportion, isn’t $400 million in a year like a mountain compared to the molehill of just $61 million donation commitments to Charity (Social Service) in FY2010?
8.7% of total donations went to Charity?
The donation commitments to Charity (Social Service) at $61 million was only about 8.7 per cent of the total donation commitments in FY2010.
$400m to Gardens is double 5 years’ total to Charity?
In other words, another way of looking at the issue, may be that the $400 million donation to the building of Gardens by the Bay, was about double the $203 million 0f total donation commitments to Charity (Social Service) for the five years from FY2006 to FY2010.
So hard to find annual reports?
The Parliamentary replied to NCMP Lina Chiam’s question of whether the Tote Board publishes any annual report detailing its donations made and reasons for not doing so if there is no publishing of such reports, by saying “Besides being available at the National Library, the annual report can now also be viewed on Tote Board’s website”.
In this regard, before NCMP Lina Chiam had asked this question, I could not find any annual reports on the Tote Board’s web site. So, I went to the National Library at NEX and discovered that it was only available at the National Library headquarters at Bugis.
So, I went there and also could not find them, until I approached the librarian at the reference section on level 7. The librarian helped me to find hard copies of the annual reports (available only in the reference section) from FY2006 to FY2010. Apparently she also could not find the annual report for FY 2011 or FY2012, or the annual reports before FY2006.
So, if not for NCMP LIna Chiam’s question – maybe the Tote Board’s annual report may never appear on its web site!
Put Annual Reports on web site?
In today’s digital age, why wasn’t its annual reports made available online on its web site, until now?
Otherwise, Singaporeans may be “none the wiser” to what most of us thought – that most of the gamimg operations and revenue goes to charity and social services.
Anyway, I looked at its 2011/2012 annual report which now appears on its web site.
Surplus for the year – $347.9 m?
The Tote Board Group’s surplus for the year was $347,904,695 after making donations of $375,424,083 and contribution to consolidated fund of $68,310,792.
So, the surplus was almost as much as the total amount donated in the year!
Why is it that it needs to have so much surplus for the year (practically every year if you look at the past annual reports) – $347.9 million?
Accumulated surpluses increased 11.5% to $3.2 b?
The Tote Board’s accumulated surpluses increased last year by 11.5 per cent from $2,901,895,220 to $3,235,412,617.
Why is there a need to accumulated so much surpluses – $3.2 billion, when its annual revenues have been and seem to be able to meet all its funding commitments into the future?
The Tote Board Group’s capital and reserves was $3,620,587,249.
Outstanding donation commitments?
Its outstanding donation commitments are as follows:
Arts and Culture $480 million
Charity (Social Service) $185
Community Development $314
Education
Health
Sports
Total: $1,644 million
11.3% of total donations went to Charity?
So, donation commitments to Charity (Social Service) at $185 million was only about 11.3 per cent of the total donations.
Its donation commitments to Charity (Social Service) were $13, $35, $44, $50, $61 and $166 million in the previous years, in 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010 and 2011 respectively.
You need to note that these are “donation commitments”and not the actual donations disbursed in the year.
For example, out of the $185 million donations commitment to Charity (Social Service) – how much did the sector actually receive in the year (as the 11.3% commitment percentage is arguably already very low).
$375.4 m donations vs $347.9 m surplus vs $1.64 b donation committments?
In this connection, it would appear that only $375.4 million (against $347.9 million surplus) was the actual amount of donations disbursed against the total donation commitments of $1.64 billion, for the year.
I would like to suggest that a breakdown of the actual donations disbursed in the year be shown in the annual report (unless it is inside somewhere and I was not able to find it), as just showing commitments may give an inflated picture to how much money actually wer
e received by the beneficiaries in a year.
Also, I am quite confused – is “outstanding donation commitments””a rolling number – i.e. are previous years’ commitments not disbursed carried forward and included in the current year’s outstanding committments?
Low % of Charity (Social Service) to total donation commitments?
The percentage of Charity (Social Service) donation commitments to total commitments was 11.3, 12.1, 8.7, 15.0 and 13.2 per cent, for 2012, 2011, 2010, 2009 and 2008, respectively (a very laborious task as I had to calculate these from each of the 5 years’ annual reports).
What is “social sector”?
So, would the Minister like to re-confirm and clarify her reply in Parliament that “Over the last five years, the Board has donated $1.2 billion or almost half of all its donations to the social sector. In FY12 alone, donations to the social sector were about $500 million, or 46% of donations for that year”.
Is her definition of “social sector” different from Charity (Social Service)? This reply needs to be seen in the context of NCMP Lina Chiam’s words in her question – “ instead of donating the sum to the needy or funding social service?”
So, what does her definition of “social sector” include? – “Community Development” too? What is community development?
If you ask most Singaporeans – what do you think most may say as to what they perceive “social sector” means? – Perhaps helping the less well off in society? Just like NCMP Lina Chiam too I think, if you read her question.
Maybe Singaporeans may like to think twice about gaming as an activity that indirectly helps the poor – if they know that only 11.3 per cent of total donation commitments went to Charity (Social Service) last year (and I emphasise again – this amount is the commitment, not the actual amount disbursed).
$416 m casino levy?
“Casino entry levy of the Singapore Totalisator Board” was $416 million for the two years from 1 April 2010 to 31 March 2012.
Locals visited 4.16 m times?
Based on the per entry levy of $100 and assuming those who paid the annual entry levy of $2,000 go in for at least 20 times in a year, does it mean that locals visited the 2 casinos for about 4.16 million times in the 2 years?
Is this number of visits a lot?
Parliamentary reply that beats around the bush?
I understand that previous questions in Parliament on the casino statistics were not able to get a straight reply. If the above figure is correct, then we may have “accidentally” discovered the statistics that even questions in Parliament weren’t able to get. (“Parliament: Replies that never answer the question? (Act 3)“, Nov 17, 2012)
In this regard, the Straits Times article “So, what’s the true cost of casinos?” (Nov 17, 2012) said “Yesterday, the House heard that Singaporeans account for 25 to 30 per cent of all casino visits.
MPs were also assured that fewer Singaporeans were visiting the casinos, as reflected in the drop in total amount of entry levies collected. But it was not clear how many were paying the $100 daily levy and how many were opting for the $2,000 annual levy”.
I find the above may be quite strange, because if the number of Singaporeans visiting the casinos has dropped, why not just give us a straight-forward answer by giving the statistics?
Since we can say that “Singaporeans account for 25 to 30 per cent of all casino visits”, it means that we also have the statistics as to whether the number has been increasing or dropping.
So, why go a round-about way of saying that “MPs were also assured that fewer Singaporeans were visiting the casinos, as reflected in the drop in total amount of entry levies collected”?
A drop in total levies may not necessarily mean a drop in the number of Singaporeans visiting the casinos, because it may mean that more people have converted to the annual levy, or more people may be visiting but each of them for a lesser number of times for the daily levy.
The above may be reinforced by “But he (Minister) did not give a breakdown of how much came from the $100 daily levy and how much was from the $2,000 annual levy (“Close watch on casino gambling”, Straits Times, Nov 17).
Why not just give the breakdown so that we can see whether the the number of annual levies has increased?
Govt received betting duties $1.4 b?
Total betting duties paid to Government amounted to $1,438 million; an increase of $21 million or 1.5% over the previous year – apparently a 5-year high if you look at the chart on page 19 of the Tote Board’s annual report.
Pandora’s box?
So, in my view NCMP Lina Chiam’s question may have opened up a pandora’s box because the real issue may not so much be the $400 million to Gardens by the Bay or the ease of access (how difficult it was to find them) to the Tote Board’s annual reports, but why so little donations go to Charity (Social Service), and so much money is accumulated in the annual surpluses and the reserves.
To put this in perspective, if the $347.9 million surplus for the last year is reduced by $85.9 million (24.7 per cent) or the humongous $3.2 billion reserves by 2.7 per cent, the lives of the 300,000 beneficiaries who are helped by ComChest every year may in a sense be doubly enriched because ComChest’s new record fund raising target this year is $85.9 million (“ComChest sets S$85.9m target for FY2013” Channel NewsAsia, May 22).
300,000 beneficiaries get average $24 a month?
Instead of each beneficiary getting an average of just $23 and 86 cents a month ($85.9 million divided by 300,000 beneficiaries divided by 12 months) – it can be $47 and 72 cents ($23.86 times 2).
Richest country in the world?
Singapore has just received the accolade a few days ago, of being the richest country in the world by GDP per capita and adjusted for purchasing-power parity, but we are so stingy when it comes to spending money to help the poor. Sigh.
We keep hoarding to the tune of an estimated over $800 billion in the reserves, a few billion in the town councils’ reserves, $3.2 billion in the Tote Board’s reserves, and the list goes on. It is very sad.
How many times must you ask the question?
Before you get the real answer
The answer my friend is blowing in the wind
The answer is blowing in the wind
In the final analysis and in conclusion – Are we arguably giving relatively too little to charity (social service)?
Commentaries
Lim Tean criticizes Govt’s rejection of basic income report, urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices
Lim Tean, leader of Peoples Voice (PV), criticizes the government’s defensive response to the basic living income report, accusing it of avoiding reality.
He calls on citizens to assess affordability and choose MPs who can truly enhance their lives in the upcoming election.
SINGAPORE: A recently published report, “Minimum Income Standard 2023: Household Budgets in a Time of Rising Costs,” unveils figures detailing the necessary income households require to maintain a basic standard of living, using the Minimum Income Standard (MIS) method.
The newly released study, spearheaded by Dr Ng Kok Hoe of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy (LKYSPP) specifically focuses on working-age households in 2021 and presents the latest MIS budgets, adjusted for inflation from 2020 to 2022.
The report detailed that:
- The “reasonable starting point” for a living wage in Singapore was S$2,906 a month.
- A single parent with a child aged two to six required S$3,218 per month.
- Partnered parents with two children, one aged between seven and 12 and the other between 13 and 18, required S$6,426 a month.
- A single elderly individual required S$1,421 a month.
- Budgets for both single and partnered parent households averaged around S$1,600 per member. Given recent price inflation, these figures have risen by up to 5% in the current report.
Singapore Govt challenges MIS 2023 report’s representation of basic needs
Regrettably, on Thursday (14 Sept), the Finance Ministry (MOF), Manpower Ministry (MOM), and Ministry of Social and Family Development (MSF) jointly issued a statement dismissing the idea suggested by the report, claiming that minimum household income requirements amid inflation “might not accurately reflect basic needs”.
Instead, they claimed that findings should be seen as “what individuals would like to have.”, and further defended their stances for the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) and other measures to uplift lower-wage workers.
The government argued that “a universal wage floor is not necessarily the best way” to ensure decent wages for lower-wage workers.
The government’s statement also questions the methodology of the Minimum Income Standards (MIS) report, highlighting limitations such as its reliance on respondent profiles and group dynamics.
“The MIS approach used is highly dependent on respondent profiles and on group dynamics. As the focus groups included higher-income participants, the conclusions may not be an accurate reflection of basic needs.”
The joint statement claimed that the MIS approach included discretionary expenditure items such as jewellery, perfumes, and overseas holidays.
Lim Tean slams Government’s response to basic living income report
In response to the government’s defensive reaction to the recent basic living income report, Lim Tean, leader of the alternative party Peoples Voice (PV), strongly criticizes the government’s apparent reluctance to confront reality, stating, “It has its head buried in the sand”.
He strongly questioned the government’s endorsement of the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) as a means to uplift the living standards of the less fortunate in Singapore, describing it as a misguided approach.
In a Facebook video on Friday (15 Sept), Lim Tean highlighted that it has become a global norm, especially in advanced and first-world countries, to establish a minimum wage, commonly referred to as a living wage.
“Everyone is entitled to a living wage, to have a decent life, It is no use boasting that you are one of the richest countries in the world that you have massive reserves, if your citizens cannot have a decent life with a decent living wage.”
Lim Tean cited his colleague, Leong Sze Hian’s calculations, which revealed a staggering 765,800 individuals in Singapore, including Permanent Residents and citizens, may not earn the recommended living wage of $2,906, as advised by the MIS report.
“If you take away the migrant workers or the foreign workers, and take away those who do not work, underage, are children you know are unemployed, and the figure is staggering, isn’t it?”
“You know you are looking at a very substantial percentage of the workforce that do not have sufficient income to meet basic needs, according to this report.”
He reiterated that the opposition parties, including the People’s Voice and the People’s Alliance, have always called for a minimum wage, a living wage which the government refuses to countenance.
Scepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs
In a time of persistently high inflation, Lim Tean expressed skepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs.
He cautioned against believing in predictions of imminent inflation reduction and lower interest rates below 2%, labeling them as unrealistic.
Lim Tean urged Singaporeans to assess their own affordability in these challenging times, especially with the impending GST increase.
He warned that a 1% rise in GST could lead to substantial hikes in everyday expenses, particularly food prices.
Lim Tean expressed concern that the PAP had become detached from the financial struggles of everyday Singaporeans, citing their high salaries and perceived insensitivity to the common citizen’s plight.
Lim Tean urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices
Highlighting the importance of the upcoming election, Lim Tean recommended that citizens seriously evaluate the affordability of their lives.
“If you ask yourself about affordability, you will realise that you have no choice, In the coming election, but to vote in a massive number of opposition Members of Parliament, So that they can make a difference.”
Lim Tean emphasized the need to move beyond the traditional notion of providing checks and balances and encouraged voters to consider who could genuinely improve their lives.
“To me, the choice is very simple. It is whether you decide to continue with a life, that is going to become more and more expensive: More expensive housing, higher cost of living, jobs not secure because of the massive influx of foreign workers,” he declared.
“Or you choose members of Parliament who have your interests at heart and who want to make your lives better.”
Commentaries
Political observers call for review of Singapore’s criteria of Presidential candidates and propose 5 year waiting period for political leaders
Singaporean political observers express concern over the significantly higher eligibility criteria for private-sector presidential candidates compared to public-sector candidates, calling for adjustments.
Some also suggest a five year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before allowed to partake in the presidential election.
Notably, The Workers’ Party has earlier reiterated its position that the current qualification criteria favor PAP candidates and has called for a return to a ceremonial presidency instead of an elected one.
While the 2023 Presidential Election in Singapore concluded on Friday (1 September), discussions concerning the fairness and equity of the electoral system persist.
Several political observers contend that the eligibility criteria for private-sector individuals running for president are disproportionately high compared to those from the public sector, and they propose that adjustments be made.
They also recommend a five-year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before being allowed to participate in the presidential election.
Aspiring entrepreneur George Goh Ching Wah, announced his intention to in PE 2023 in June. However, His application as a candidate was unsuccessful, he failed to receive the Certificate of Eligibility (COE) on 18 August.
Mr Goh had expressed his disappointment in a statement after the ELD’s announcement, he said, the Presidential Elections Committee (PEC) took a very narrow interpretation of the requirements without explaining the rationale behind its decision.
As per Singapore’s Constitution, individuals running for the presidency from the private sector must have a minimum of three years’ experience as a CEO in a company.
This company should have consistently maintained an average shareholders’ equity of at least S$500 million and sustained profitability.
Mr Goh had pursued eligibility through the private sector’s “deliberative track,” specifically referring to section 19(4)(b)(2) of the Singapore Constitution.
He pointed out five companies he had led for over three years, collectively claiming a shareholders’ equity of S$1.521 billion.
Notably, prior to the 2016 revisions, the PEC might have had the authority to assess Mr Goh’s application similarly to how it did for Mr Tan Jee Say in the 2011 Presidential Election.
Yet, in its current formulation, the PEC is bound by the definitions laid out in the constitution.
Calls for equitable standards across public and private sectors
According to Singapore’s Chinese media outlet, Shin Min Daily News, Dr Felix Tan Thiam Kim, a political analyst at Nanyang Technological University (NTU) Singapore, noted that in 2016, the eligibility criteria for private sector candidates were raised from requiring them to be executives of companies with a minimum capital of S$100 million to CEOs of companies with at least S$500 million in shareholder equity.
However, the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates remained unchanged. He suggests that there is room for adjusting the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates.
Associate Professor Bilver Singh, Deputy Head of the Department of Political Science at the National University of Singapore, believes that the constitutional requirements for private-sector individuals interested in running are excessively stringent.
He remarked, “I believe it is necessary to reassess the relevant regulations.”
He points out that the current regulations are more favourable for former public officials seeking office and that the private sector faces notably greater challenges.
“While it may be legally sound, it may not necessarily be equitable,” he added.
Proposed five-year waiting period for political leaders eyeing presidential race
Moreover, despite candidates severing ties with their political parties in pursuit of office, shedding their political affiliations within a short timeframe remains a challenging endeavour.
A notable instance is Mr Tharman Shanmugaratnam, who resigned from the People’s Action Party (PAP) just slightly over a month before announcing his presidential candidacy, sparking considerable debate.
During a live broadcast, his fellow contender, Ng Kok Song, who formerly served as the Chief Investment Officer of GIC, openly questioned Mr Tharman’s rapid transition to a presidential bid shortly after leaving his party and government.
Dr Felix Tan suggests that in the future, political leaders aspiring to run for the presidency should not only resign from their parties but also adhere to a mandatory waiting period of at least five years before entering the race.
Cherian George and Kevin Y.L. Tan: “illogical ” to raise the corporate threshold in 2016
Indeed, the apprehension regarding the stringent eligibility criteria and concerns about fairness in presidential candidacy requirements are not limited to political analysts interviewed by Singapore’s mainstream media.
Prior to PE2023, CCherian George, a Professor of media studies at Hong Kong Baptist University, and Kevin Y.L. Tan, an Adjunct Professor at both the Faculty of Law of the National University of Singapore and the NTU’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), brought attention to the challenges posed by the qualification criteria for candidates vying for the Singaporean Presidency.
In their article titled “Why Singapore’s Next Elected President Should be One of its Last,” the scholars discussed the relevance of the current presidential election system in Singapore and floated the idea of returning to an appointed President, emphasizing the symbolic and unifying role of the office.
They highlighted that businessman George Goh appeared to be pursuing the “deliberative track” for qualification, which requires candidates to satisfy the PEC that their experience and abilities are comparable to those of a typical company’s chief executive with shareholder equity of at least S$500 million.
Mr Goh cobbles together a suite of companies under his management to meet the S$500m threshold.
The article also underscored the disparities between the eligibility criteria for candidates from the public and private sectors, serving as proxies for evaluating a candidate’s experience in handling complex financial matters.
“It is hard to see what financial experience the Chairman of the Public Service Commission or for that matter, the Chief Justice has, when compared to a Minister or a corporate chief.”
“The raising of the corporate threshold in 2016 is thus illogical and serves little purpose other than to simply reduce the number of potentially eligible candidates.”
The article also touches upon the issue of candidates’ independence from political parties, particularly the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP).
It mentions that candidates are expected to be non-partisan and independent, and it questions how government-backed candidates can demonstrate their independence given their previous affiliations.
The Workers’ Party advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency
It comes as no surprise that Singapore’s alternative party, the Workers’ Party, reaffirmed its stance on 30 August, asserting that they believe the existing qualifying criteria for presidential candidates are skewed in favour of those approved by the People’s Action Party (PAP).
They argue that the current format of the elected presidency (EP) undermines the principles of parliamentary democracy.
“It also serves as an unnecessary source of gridlock – one that could potentially cripple a non-PAP government within its first term – and is an alternative power centre that could lead to political impasses.”
Consistently, the Workers’ Party has been vocal about its objection to the elected presidency and has consistently called for its abolition.
Instead, they advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency, a position they have maintained for over three decades.
-
Singapore4 days ago
Minister K Shanmugam transfers Astrid Hill GCB to UBS Trustees for S$88 Million following Ridout Road controversy
-
Singapore1 week ago
Singapore woman’s suicide amidst legal battle raises concerns over legal system
-
Parliament5 days ago
Minister Shanmugam rejects request for detailed information on visa-free visitor offences: Cites bilateral considerations
-
Diplomacy1 week ago
India PM Narendra Modi meets with PM Lawrence Wong; Four MoUs signed
-
Opinion2 weeks ago
Singaporean voters and the ‘Battered Wife Syndrome’
-
Parliament6 days ago
PAP MPs attack WP Gerald Giam in Parliament over NTUC independence from ruling party
-
Politics1 week ago
PAP adopts SDP policies after criticizing them: Dr Chee urges Singaporeans to see through tactics
-
Politics4 days ago
11 former or current PAP MPs & Ministers underscore heavy presence in NTUC leadership