Commentaries
Anti-discrimination laws ought to be put in place
By Ghui –
The verdict is out on Amy Cheong – she is currently the most vilified woman on the World Wide Web. In 24 hours, she has lost her job and fled Singapore. It has even been unearthed by eager journalists and netizens alike that Cheong is “not even Singaporean”. She was born in Malaysia and is an Australian Permanent Resident.
I do not at all condone her comments. In fact, I am appalled by them. They are bigoted, elitist and misguided. In that regard, her sacking is, in my opinion at least, justified. However, a lingering question remains – Does her sacking really address the underlying issues?
Bubbling beneath the guise of multiracialism, there is much tension between Singaporeans. In fact, there are many layers to that simmering ill will. We have the “Singaporean versus foreigner” resentment, the “racial misunderstandings” and the “who is a foreigner” witch hunt. People are so angry that they don’t even know what they are angry about anymore and added to that is a lack of outlet with which to vent their spleen.
The far reaching effects of the internet exploded onto the scene and threw everyone including the government into a flux. It is fast, efficient and has no limit in terms of reach. However, for the user who is simply typing onto a keypad or phone in the comfort of his house, office or even the loo, it is hard to reconcile the massive reach of the internet with the relative seeming privacy of their PCs. People have to realise that what they say on the internet is akin to making a declaration of their feelings to a roomful of potentially thousands! Being written, it is also going to be recorded for posterity no matter how quickly you delete it thereafter!
Perhaps, people are just not used to the effects of social media or perhaps Singaporeans are still not used to the relative ease of airing their views freely. Having been restricted for so long, they have no filters to judge how much is too much.
This begs the question of whether we need to put in specific “discrimination laws” to regulate this dicey issue of race. As it stands, this is a very murky area indeed.
In an ideal world, racism would not exist but we do not live in utopia and much as I would love to believe that all my fellow Singaporeans do not possess racist thoughts, I am not so naïve. The state has no right to police the private thoughts of citizens. People are entitled to their private opinions no matter how wrong I may think these thoughts are. But, the perennial but is that citizens have to regulate what they say in public and the internet is public! Something only becomes offensive when it crosses the private domain and enters the public arena. To help people find their feet around this, clear laws and regulations should be in place. People need to know their boundaries and for that to happen, the boundaries have to be unambiguous. Instead of ad hoc prosecutions and trials by media, why not clear anti-discrimination laws?
This idea is not new, and there are various examples for Singapore to take a leaf from. The UK had the Race Relations Act since the 1960s. This was eventually consolidated with other acts targeting discrimination and became the Equality Act 2010, which encapsulates amongst other things, the illegality of race discrimination. For instance, "mandarin speaking preferred" ads like those prevalent in Singapore, would be scrutinised and most likely outlawed.
When John Galliano was inadvertently filmed making anti-Semitic remarks while drunk, he was sacked by Dior and tried in a French court when the video was made public online. By all mainstream accounts, these actions against him were applauded by the general public and Galliano's collection was not even permitted runway time at the Paris Fashion Week.
In Europe, it is illegal to publicly deny the holocaust as that is deemed offensive to Jews and the wider public alike. As a result, British writer David Irving has found himself at the receiving end of litigation.
Anti-racism laws are also found in Australia, and indeed any country that has ratified the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination would have some form of anti-racism law. Oddly, for all its concerns about racism, Singapore is not a signatory to this Convention.
To be fair, it would be far-fetched to say countries that have implemented such laws are celebrating diversity in all its fullness and there are instances of its failure to deal with racial issues. Many of these countries have a longer history of racism than Singapore, which will take a long time to eradicate, if ever. But the Equality Act has certainly been successful in the UK in the protection of minorities, and claimants have been successful in defending their rights. At the very least, it goes a long way to ensure minorities that their interests are taken seriously by their country.
Least I be mistaken, I am not advocating an extension of the Internal Security Act for Singapore. If anything, ISA should be viewed as an extremely blunt, wide-casting– some political conspiracy pundits might even suggest deliberately so – and ambiguous instrument that is of limited use in managing what we have witnessed to be “grassroots racism”.
Race laws, on the other hand, are meant to be crafted to target specific public behaviour that the nation deems inappropriate. This means that offenders can be charged and tried by transparent laws. Such laws will also be a clear statement to the world that Singapore sees it as a national imperative to clamp down on undesirable behaviour that favours one group illegitimately over another.
I am not suggesting that putting laws in place will solve all the problems. I definitely believe in dialogue and on-going education as the genuine long-term solutions to bridge the racial divide. But racism is not likely to be something that can ever be completely stamped out. As such, the only way to deal with this unsavoury phenomenon is to bring in laws so that people know not to overstep socially-acceptable boundaries.
Continued education will no doubt go a long way to fostering respect between the races, and if respect is not possible, tolerance at the bare minimum. But for the incorrigible, they still need to know the boundaries and clear laws will “unmuddy” the waters in this regard. Most people will not overstep the line if they know where that line is drawn and if they do, we would then have proper legislation – transparent, executable and representative of our people – with which to prosecute them.
Commentaries
Lim Tean criticizes Govt’s rejection of basic income report, urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices
Lim Tean, leader of Peoples Voice (PV), criticizes the government’s defensive response to the basic living income report, accusing it of avoiding reality.
He calls on citizens to assess affordability and choose MPs who can truly enhance their lives in the upcoming election.
SINGAPORE: A recently published report, “Minimum Income Standard 2023: Household Budgets in a Time of Rising Costs,” unveils figures detailing the necessary income households require to maintain a basic standard of living, using the Minimum Income Standard (MIS) method.
The newly released study, spearheaded by Dr Ng Kok Hoe of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy (LKYSPP) specifically focuses on working-age households in 2021 and presents the latest MIS budgets, adjusted for inflation from 2020 to 2022.
The report detailed that:
- The “reasonable starting point” for a living wage in Singapore was S$2,906 a month.
- A single parent with a child aged two to six required S$3,218 per month.
- Partnered parents with two children, one aged between seven and 12 and the other between 13 and 18, required S$6,426 a month.
- A single elderly individual required S$1,421 a month.
- Budgets for both single and partnered parent households averaged around S$1,600 per member. Given recent price inflation, these figures have risen by up to 5% in the current report.
Singapore Govt challenges MIS 2023 report’s representation of basic needs
Regrettably, on Thursday (14 Sept), the Finance Ministry (MOF), Manpower Ministry (MOM), and Ministry of Social and Family Development (MSF) jointly issued a statement dismissing the idea suggested by the report, claiming that minimum household income requirements amid inflation “might not accurately reflect basic needs”.
Instead, they claimed that findings should be seen as “what individuals would like to have.”, and further defended their stances for the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) and other measures to uplift lower-wage workers.
The government argued that “a universal wage floor is not necessarily the best way” to ensure decent wages for lower-wage workers.
The government’s statement also questions the methodology of the Minimum Income Standards (MIS) report, highlighting limitations such as its reliance on respondent profiles and group dynamics.
“The MIS approach used is highly dependent on respondent profiles and on group dynamics. As the focus groups included higher-income participants, the conclusions may not be an accurate reflection of basic needs.”
The joint statement claimed that the MIS approach included discretionary expenditure items such as jewellery, perfumes, and overseas holidays.
Lim Tean slams Government’s response to basic living income report
In response to the government’s defensive reaction to the recent basic living income report, Lim Tean, leader of the alternative party Peoples Voice (PV), strongly criticizes the government’s apparent reluctance to confront reality, stating, “It has its head buried in the sand”.
He strongly questioned the government’s endorsement of the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) as a means to uplift the living standards of the less fortunate in Singapore, describing it as a misguided approach.
In a Facebook video on Friday (15 Sept), Lim Tean highlighted that it has become a global norm, especially in advanced and first-world countries, to establish a minimum wage, commonly referred to as a living wage.
“Everyone is entitled to a living wage, to have a decent life, It is no use boasting that you are one of the richest countries in the world that you have massive reserves, if your citizens cannot have a decent life with a decent living wage.”
Lim Tean cited his colleague, Leong Sze Hian’s calculations, which revealed a staggering 765,800 individuals in Singapore, including Permanent Residents and citizens, may not earn the recommended living wage of $2,906, as advised by the MIS report.
“If you take away the migrant workers or the foreign workers, and take away those who do not work, underage, are children you know are unemployed, and the figure is staggering, isn’t it?”
“You know you are looking at a very substantial percentage of the workforce that do not have sufficient income to meet basic needs, according to this report.”
He reiterated that the opposition parties, including the People’s Voice and the People’s Alliance, have always called for a minimum wage, a living wage which the government refuses to countenance.
Scepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs
In a time of persistently high inflation, Lim Tean expressed skepticism about the government’s ability to control rising costs.
He cautioned against believing in predictions of imminent inflation reduction and lower interest rates below 2%, labeling them as unrealistic.
Lim Tean urged Singaporeans to assess their own affordability in these challenging times, especially with the impending GST increase.
He warned that a 1% rise in GST could lead to substantial hikes in everyday expenses, particularly food prices.
Lim Tean expressed concern that the PAP had become detached from the financial struggles of everyday Singaporeans, citing their high salaries and perceived insensitivity to the common citizen’s plight.
Lim Tean urges Singaporeans to rethink election choices
Highlighting the importance of the upcoming election, Lim Tean recommended that citizens seriously evaluate the affordability of their lives.
“If you ask yourself about affordability, you will realise that you have no choice, In the coming election, but to vote in a massive number of opposition Members of Parliament, So that they can make a difference.”
Lim Tean emphasized the need to move beyond the traditional notion of providing checks and balances and encouraged voters to consider who could genuinely improve their lives.
“To me, the choice is very simple. It is whether you decide to continue with a life, that is going to become more and more expensive: More expensive housing, higher cost of living, jobs not secure because of the massive influx of foreign workers,” he declared.
“Or you choose members of Parliament who have your interests at heart and who want to make your lives better.”
Commentaries
Political observers call for review of Singapore’s criteria of Presidential candidates and propose 5 year waiting period for political leaders
Singaporean political observers express concern over the significantly higher eligibility criteria for private-sector presidential candidates compared to public-sector candidates, calling for adjustments.
Some also suggest a five year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before allowed to partake in the presidential election.
Notably, The Workers’ Party has earlier reiterated its position that the current qualification criteria favor PAP candidates and has called for a return to a ceremonial presidency instead of an elected one.
While the 2023 Presidential Election in Singapore concluded on Friday (1 September), discussions concerning the fairness and equity of the electoral system persist.
Several political observers contend that the eligibility criteria for private-sector individuals running for president are disproportionately high compared to those from the public sector, and they propose that adjustments be made.
They also recommend a five-year waiting period for aspiring political leaders after leaving their party before being allowed to participate in the presidential election.
Aspiring entrepreneur George Goh Ching Wah, announced his intention to in PE 2023 in June. However, His application as a candidate was unsuccessful, he failed to receive the Certificate of Eligibility (COE) on 18 August.
Mr Goh had expressed his disappointment in a statement after the ELD’s announcement, he said, the Presidential Elections Committee (PEC) took a very narrow interpretation of the requirements without explaining the rationale behind its decision.
As per Singapore’s Constitution, individuals running for the presidency from the private sector must have a minimum of three years’ experience as a CEO in a company.
This company should have consistently maintained an average shareholders’ equity of at least S$500 million and sustained profitability.
Mr Goh had pursued eligibility through the private sector’s “deliberative track,” specifically referring to section 19(4)(b)(2) of the Singapore Constitution.
He pointed out five companies he had led for over three years, collectively claiming a shareholders’ equity of S$1.521 billion.
Notably, prior to the 2016 revisions, the PEC might have had the authority to assess Mr Goh’s application similarly to how it did for Mr Tan Jee Say in the 2011 Presidential Election.
Yet, in its current formulation, the PEC is bound by the definitions laid out in the constitution.
Calls for equitable standards across public and private sectors
According to Singapore’s Chinese media outlet, Shin Min Daily News, Dr Felix Tan Thiam Kim, a political analyst at Nanyang Technological University (NTU) Singapore, noted that in 2016, the eligibility criteria for private sector candidates were raised from requiring them to be executives of companies with a minimum capital of S$100 million to CEOs of companies with at least S$500 million in shareholder equity.
However, the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates remained unchanged. He suggests that there is room for adjusting the eligibility criteria for public sector candidates.
Associate Professor Bilver Singh, Deputy Head of the Department of Political Science at the National University of Singapore, believes that the constitutional requirements for private-sector individuals interested in running are excessively stringent.
He remarked, “I believe it is necessary to reassess the relevant regulations.”
He points out that the current regulations are more favourable for former public officials seeking office and that the private sector faces notably greater challenges.
“While it may be legally sound, it may not necessarily be equitable,” he added.
Proposed five-year waiting period for political leaders eyeing presidential race
Moreover, despite candidates severing ties with their political parties in pursuit of office, shedding their political affiliations within a short timeframe remains a challenging endeavour.
A notable instance is Mr Tharman Shanmugaratnam, who resigned from the People’s Action Party (PAP) just slightly over a month before announcing his presidential candidacy, sparking considerable debate.
During a live broadcast, his fellow contender, Ng Kok Song, who formerly served as the Chief Investment Officer of GIC, openly questioned Mr Tharman’s rapid transition to a presidential bid shortly after leaving his party and government.
Dr Felix Tan suggests that in the future, political leaders aspiring to run for the presidency should not only resign from their parties but also adhere to a mandatory waiting period of at least five years before entering the race.
Cherian George and Kevin Y.L. Tan: “illogical ” to raise the corporate threshold in 2016
Indeed, the apprehension regarding the stringent eligibility criteria and concerns about fairness in presidential candidacy requirements are not limited to political analysts interviewed by Singapore’s mainstream media.
Prior to PE2023, CCherian George, a Professor of media studies at Hong Kong Baptist University, and Kevin Y.L. Tan, an Adjunct Professor at both the Faculty of Law of the National University of Singapore and the NTU’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), brought attention to the challenges posed by the qualification criteria for candidates vying for the Singaporean Presidency.
In their article titled “Why Singapore’s Next Elected President Should be One of its Last,” the scholars discussed the relevance of the current presidential election system in Singapore and floated the idea of returning to an appointed President, emphasizing the symbolic and unifying role of the office.
They highlighted that businessman George Goh appeared to be pursuing the “deliberative track” for qualification, which requires candidates to satisfy the PEC that their experience and abilities are comparable to those of a typical company’s chief executive with shareholder equity of at least S$500 million.
Mr Goh cobbles together a suite of companies under his management to meet the S$500m threshold.
The article also underscored the disparities between the eligibility criteria for candidates from the public and private sectors, serving as proxies for evaluating a candidate’s experience in handling complex financial matters.
“It is hard to see what financial experience the Chairman of the Public Service Commission or for that matter, the Chief Justice has, when compared to a Minister or a corporate chief.”
“The raising of the corporate threshold in 2016 is thus illogical and serves little purpose other than to simply reduce the number of potentially eligible candidates.”
The article also touches upon the issue of candidates’ independence from political parties, particularly the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP).
It mentions that candidates are expected to be non-partisan and independent, and it questions how government-backed candidates can demonstrate their independence given their previous affiliations.
The Workers’ Party advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency
It comes as no surprise that Singapore’s alternative party, the Workers’ Party, reaffirmed its stance on 30 August, asserting that they believe the existing qualifying criteria for presidential candidates are skewed in favour of those approved by the People’s Action Party (PAP).
They argue that the current format of the elected presidency (EP) undermines the principles of parliamentary democracy.
“It also serves as an unnecessary source of gridlock – one that could potentially cripple a non-PAP government within its first term – and is an alternative power centre that could lead to political impasses.”
Consistently, the Workers’ Party has been vocal about its objection to the elected presidency and has consistently called for its abolition.
Instead, they advocate for a return to a ceremonial presidency, a position they have maintained for over three decades.
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