Current Affairs
The Elephant In The Room
By Elijah Pear –
The conventional argument runs like this: Without economic growth follows limited investments, unemployment trails and the collective wellbeing of society deteriorates. I perfectly acquiesce with it. Without doubt, Singapore’s economy has grown since her independence. Perhaps social disparity is escalating. “Nonetheless,” we have housing grants, CPF savings and very generous subsidies that are not reflected in Gini coefficients measure [1]. Compared to countries such as North Korea or China, at least democratically we are progressing. With the aftermath of 2011 elections representing the apparent transformation on how we assess our government. What has brought us this far today?
Well, that will be our prominent economic growth. In its simplest form; economic growth yields educational progress that sooner or later produces a population that demands control over their own fate. Eventually this fosters discussion that leads to transformations. Certainly the whole point of economic growth is the wellbeing of society, egalitarianism, social equality and so on. On the contrary 3rd in terms of GDP per capita (assuming that is how we evaluate growth), why are we still classified as a “partly free hybrid regime?”[2]
To answer this let’s look at the People’s Republic of China, the world’s fastest growing major economy. Emphatically growth has augmented the prospects of the Communist Party of China. Without elections it is impossible to judge the party’s popularity. But at least according to the Wall Street Journal, support for the regime has indisputably grown[3]. With such a growth, what adjustments has China made?
To begin, economic growth has expanded the Chinese government’s resources and improved its ability to deal with various problems. (To name a few) their government dealt with its population dilemma; now the ratio of men to women is skewed dramatically.[4] Next they managed to periodically block access to Google’s English language news service and also recently forced Microsoft to block the use of words such as “democracy” and “freedom” on the Microsoft software used by bloggers. Nonetheless the paramount solutions of all must be the creation of a Special Internet Police Unit that frontiers in limiting Internet gateways. Although they have had some setbacks; for instance the recent escape of Blind Chinese dissident Chen Guangcheng. At best their current complications are not as appalling as the episodes in Syria.
So, what is the key to their success? Upon examination, each of these “solutions” involved the restriction on important aspects that affect coordination of potential dissenting voices, but have relatively little impact on economic growth. With such strategies, incumbents can temporarily improve prospects of staying in government while at the same time preach on economic growth and social development. Key feature of these examples reflects the restriction on the regulation of political rights, press freedom and accessible higher education. The freedom to express and share information is vital to effective political opposition; opposing views provide valuable knowledge for progression. Observed from our perspective, internet savvy individuals certainly managed to spark debates in both the general and by-election; illustrating the prominence of free information.
The process works as follows; economic growth advances infrastructure, technology and education while dramatically facilitating communication (eg: internet) and vital discussions which can help the progress of a country. In a speech in the summer of 2000, President Putin acknowledged that “Without truly free media Russian democracy will not survive, and will not succeed in building a civil society.” Ironically Putin placed all national television networks under strict controls; and arrested Mikhail Khodorkovsky, one of his most prominent critics[5]. Yet Russia’s economy is still progressing, with a growth rate of 4.3%; one of the fastest in Europe.
In reality, economic growth does not always come hand in hand with the well-being of society; neither does it achieve democracy. In fact incumbents have expended their resources (from economic growth) to augment their reign in government. Depressing in fact, some of these restrictions actually cost more to suppress than allow. Consider this for example; if a government depends more on foreign investments or talents than on its own citizens; how much restrictions does this incur on local development and talent? In the last decade Greece’s economy was flourishing, attracting large amounts of foreign investments. However things took a turn as investors fled upon losing confidence in the government. What effects have this had on its people?
Certainly there are flaws in globalisation and the free market. We are told that without economic growth, our confidence will be dented and there is no chance of improving collective wellbeing. Singapore; without natural resources undoubtedly limits directions available for economic growth. But what transpires would entail dependence on foreigners; in tandem with that imposition that constraints political rights, press freedom and accessibility to higher education fetters foundational progression. This not only leaves the country vulnerable without foreigners, but also hinders society’s advancement.
During President Ronald Reagan’s first year of Administration he stated:
“We who live in free market societies believe that growth, prosperity and ultimately human fulfilment, are created from the bottom up, not the government down. Only when the human spirit is allowed to invent and create, only when individuals are given a personal stake in deciding economic policies and benefitting from their success—only then can societies remain economically alive, dynamic, progressive, and free[6].”
At times we are told to stand in a corner and not think about the 800lb elephant. Yet even 5232 miles (literally) away I have not lost sight of it. I hope Singaporeans won’t miss it.
Current Affairs
Reforming Singapore’s defamation laws: Preventing legal weapons against free speech
Opinion: The tragic suicide of Geno Ong, linked to the financial stress from a defamation lawsuit, raises a critical issue: Singapore’s defamation laws need reform. These laws must not be weaponized to silence individuals.
by Alexandar Chia
This week, we hear the tragic story of the suicide of Geno Ong, with Ong citing the financial stress from the defamation lawsuit against her by Raymond Ng and Iris Koh.
Regardless of who’s right and who’s wrong, this Koh/Ng vs Ong affair raises a wider question at play – the issue of Singapore’s defamation laws and how it needs to be tightened.
Why is this needed? This is because defamation suits cannot be weaponised the way they have been in Singapore law. It cannot be used to threaten people into “shutting up”.
Article 14(2)(a) of the Constitution may permit laws to be passed to restrict free speech in the area of defamation, but it does not remove the fact that Article 14(1)(a) is still law, and it permits freedom of speech.
As such, although Article 14(2)(a) allows restrictions to be placed on freedom of speech with regard to the issue of defamation, it must not be to the extent where Article 14(1)(a)’s rights and liberties are not curtailed completely or heavily infringed on.
Sadly, that is the case with regard to precedence in defamation suits.
Let’s have a look at the defamation suit then-PM Goh Chok Tong filed against Dr Chee Soon Juan after GE 2001 for questions Dr Chee asked publicly about a $17 billion loan made to Suharto.
If we look at point 12 of the above link, in the “lawyer’s letter” sent to Dr Chee, Goh’s case of himself being defamed centred on lines Dr Chee used in his question, such as “you can run but you can’t hide”, and “did he not tell you about the $17 billion loan”?
In the West, such lines of questioning are easily understood at worse as hyperbolically figurative expressions with the gist of the meaning behind such questioning on why the loan to Suharto was made.
Unfortunately, Singapore’s defamation laws saw Dr Chee’s actions of imputing ill motives on Goh, when in the West, it is expected of incumbents to take the kind of questions Dr Chee asked, and such questions asked of incumbent office holders are not uncommon.
And the law permits pretty flimsy reasons such as “withdrawal of allegations” to be used as a deciding factor if a statement is defamatory or not – this is as per points 66-69 of the judgement.
This is not to imply or impute ill intent on Singapore courts. Rather, it shows how defamation laws in Singapore needs to be tightened, to ensure that a possible future scenario where it is weaponised as a “shut-up tool”, occurs.
These are how I suggest it is to be done –
- The law has to make mandatory, that for a case to go into a full lawsuit, there has to be a 3-round exchange of talking points and two attempts at legal mediation.
- Summary judgment should be banned from defamation suits, unless if one party fails to adduce evidence or a defence.
- A statement is to be proven false, hence, defamatory, if there is strictly material along with circumstantial evidence showing that the statement is false. Apologies and related should not be used as main determinants, given how many of these statements are made in the heat of the moment, from the natural feelings of threat and intimidation from a defamation suit.
- A question should only be considered defamatory if it has been repeated, after material facts of evidence are produced showing, beyond reasonable doubt, that the message behind the question, is “not so”, and if there is a directly mentioned subject in the question. For example, if an Opposition MP, Mr A, was found to be poisoned with a banned substance, and I ask openly on how Mr A got access to that substance, given that its banned, I can’t be found to have “defamed the government” with the question as 1) the government was not mentioned directly and 2) if the government has not produced material evidence that they indeed had no role in the poisoning affair, if they were directly mentioned.
- Damages should be tiered, with these tiers coded into the Defamation Act – the highest quantum of damages (i.e. those of a six-figured nature) is only to be reserved if the subject of defamation lost any form of office, revenue or position, or directly quantifiable public standing, or was subjected to criminal action, because of the act of defamation. If none of such occur, the maximum amount of damages a plaintiff in a defamation can claim is a 4-figure amount capped at $2000. This will prevent rich and powerful figures from using defamation suits and 6-figure damages to intimidate their questioners and detractors.
- All defendants of defamation suit should be allowed full access to legal aid schemes.
Again, this piece does not suggest bad-faith malpractice by the courts in Singapore. Rather, it is to suggest how to tighten up defamation laws to avoid it being used as the silencing hatchet.
Current Affairs
Man arrested for alleged housebreaking and theft of mobile phones in Yishun
A 23-year-old man was arrested for allegedly breaking into a Yishun Ring Road rental flat and stealing eight mobile phones worth S$3,400 from five tenants. The Singapore Police responded swiftly on 1 September, identifying and apprehending the suspect on the same day. The man has been charged with housebreaking, which carries a potential 10-year jail term.
SINGAPORE: A 23-year-old man has been arrested for allegedly breaking into a rental flat along Yishun Ring Road and stealing eight mobile phones from five tenants.
The incident occurred in the early hours on Sunday (1 September), according to a statement from the Singapore Police Force.
The authorities reported that they received a call for assistance at around 5 a.m. on that day.
Officers from the Woodlands Police Division quickly responded and, through ground enquiries and police camera footage, were able to identify and apprehend the suspect on the same day.
The stolen mobile phones, with an estimated total value of approximately S$3,400, were recovered hidden under a nearby bin.
The suspect was charged in court on Monday with housebreaking with the intent to commit theft.
If convicted, he could face a jail term of up to 10 years and a fine.
In light of this incident, the police have advised property owners to take precautions to prevent similar crimes.
They recommend securing all doors, windows, and other openings with good quality grilles and padlocks when leaving premises unattended, even for short periods.
The installation of burglar alarms, motion sensor lights, and CCTV cameras to cover access points is also advised. Additionally, residents are urged to avoid keeping large sums of cash and valuables in their homes.
The investigation is ongoing.
Last month, police disclosed that a recent uptick in housebreaking incidents in private residential estates across Singapore has been traced to foreign syndicates, primarily involving Chinese nationals.
Preliminary investigations indicate that these syndicates operate in small groups, targeting homes by scaling perimeter walls or fences.
The suspects are believed to be transient travelers who enter Singapore on Social Visit Passes, typically just a day or two before committing the crimes.
Before this recent surge in break-ins, housebreaking cases were on the decline, with 59 reported in the first half of this year compared to 70 during the same period last year.
However, between 1 June and 4 August 2024, there were 10 reported housebreaking incidents, predominantly in private estates around the Rail Corridor and Bukit Timah Road.
The SPF has intensified efforts to engage residents near high-risk areas by distributing crime prevention advisories, erecting alert signs, and training them to patrol their neighborhoods, leading to an increase in reports of suspicious activity.
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