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May Day message from Chiam See Tong

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MEDIA RELEASE

My fellow Singaporeans,

A happy May Day to all of you! I want to take this opportunity to pay tribute to all Singaporean workers – your hard work is the reason that our country has grown by leaps and bounds over the years.

I want to pay special tribute to our manual labourers, as they struggle with decreasing wages and high inflation in Singapore.

Here I wish to share 3 main issues which concern me and the SPP.

1. CPF

The Singapore government is probably the only one in the world that does not have to fund its national pension scheme, as CPF monies are Singaporeans’ own money. There are no “national pension obligations” as in other countries.

Also, we are possibly the only country in the world that pays its citizens as little as 2.5% on its pension fund, while Temasek Holdings and the Government Investment Corporation (GIC) had annualized returns of 17% (S$) and 8.2% (US$), respectively in 2011 (Figures from reports on the websites of Temasek Holdings and GIC.).

Therefore, we may well be the only country with a government that borrows money from the enforced savings of its own citizens at a mere interest rate of 2.5%. The excess investment returns are then kept by the government.

Imagine your uncle asks you to save and invest 36% of your income through him. He gets a return of 12% and gives you 2.5% of it. The excess returns are kept by him. He also tells you that you have no choice, because only he knows how to take care of you.

Would you not want to question your uncle about his strange investment policy?

2. Public housing

The HDB was set up to provide affordable public housing for Singaporeans. Over time, government has placed Singaporeans in a pressure cooker. 20 years ago, a 4-room flat in Delta Avenue cost about $50,000. Today, the same flat costs about $500,000.

But have our salaries increased by that same proportion of 10 times? A worker earning $2,000 per month 20 years ago certainly does not earn $20,000 today.

What is the basis of the increase in price? Have the costs of building an HDB flat increased by 10 times? This is definitely not true.

We will have to push the government to reveal the real costs of building a HDB flat and to ring-fence public housing as a basic necessity for Singaporean citizens.

3. Healthcare

It was disclosed in Parliament recently that between 2006 and 2010, MediShield collected an average of $131 million more in premiums each year than it paid out in claims.

This means the scheme earned more out from Singaporeans than the amount it paid out. The national healthcare insurance schemes of most countries are funded on a break-even basis. Why is our MediShield accumulating huge surpluses? This is inconsistent with what we are told about the aim of the Medishield.

A onetime Medisave top-up was announced in the recent Budget 2012 to help cushion the impact of the premium increase. This top-up may not necessarily be used to pay increased MediShield premiums, as they may be instantly wiped out by medical bills or past bills in arrears.

Why is it that instead of using the $86 million Medifund surpluses over the last three elections to support the MediShield Fund, the government transferred it to the protected reserves? We see no reason in putting the cost burden on Singaporeans.

Speaking up for you

The SPP wants to speak up for you Singaporeans on these issues. We have a policy working group that looks at ensuring a fairer model of economic growth. Our NCMP brings these ideas to Parliament, while also keeping the PAP government accountable for their policies.

We set up the Potong Pasir Welfare Fund for needy residents of the constituency. An ongoing initiative independent of the government, this makes Potong Pasir the only constituency in Singapore with such a fund.

We have a long term strategy of fighting for your interests in the above areas. We hope you will join us in this journey for a better Singapore for all Singaporean workers. 

 

Yours sincerely,

CHIAM SEE TONG

Secretary-General, SPP

______________________________

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Current Affairs

Reforming Singapore’s defamation laws: Preventing legal weapons against free speech

Opinion: The tragic suicide of Geno Ong, linked to the financial stress from a defamation lawsuit, raises a critical issue: Singapore’s defamation laws need reform. These laws must not be weaponized to silence individuals.

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by Alexandar Chia

This week, we hear the tragic story of the suicide of Geno Ong, with Ong citing the financial stress from the defamation lawsuit against her by Raymond Ng and Iris Koh.

Regardless of who’s right and who’s wrong, this Koh/Ng vs Ong affair raises a wider question at play – the issue of Singapore’s defamation laws and how it needs to be tightened.

Why is this needed? This is because defamation suits cannot be weaponised the way they have been in Singapore law. It cannot be used to threaten people into “shutting up”.

Article 14(2)(a) of the Constitution may permit laws to be passed to restrict free speech in the area of defamation, but it does not remove the fact that Article 14(1)(a) is still law, and it permits freedom of speech.

As such, although Article 14(2)(a) allows restrictions to be placed on freedom of speech with regard to the issue of defamation, it must not be to the extent where Article 14(1)(a)’s rights and liberties are not curtailed completely or heavily infringed on.

Sadly, that is the case with regard to precedence in defamation suits.

Let’s have a look at the defamation suit then-PM Goh Chok Tong filed against Dr Chee Soon Juan after GE 2001 for questions Dr Chee asked publicly about a $17 billion loan made to Suharto.

If we look at point 12 of the above link, in the “lawyer’s letter” sent to Dr Chee, Goh’s case of himself being defamed centred on lines Dr Chee used in his question, such as “you can run but you can’t hide”, and “did he not tell you about the $17 billion loan”?

In the West, such lines of questioning are easily understood at worse as hyperbolically figurative expressions with the gist of the meaning behind such questioning on why the loan to Suharto was made.

Unfortunately, Singapore’s defamation laws saw Dr Chee’s actions of imputing ill motives on Goh, when in the West, it is expected of incumbents to take the kind of questions Dr Chee asked, and such questions asked of incumbent office holders are not uncommon.

And the law permits pretty flimsy reasons such as “withdrawal of allegations” to be used as a deciding factor if a statement is defamatory or not – this is as per points 66-69 of the judgement.

This is not to imply or impute ill intent on Singapore courts. Rather, it shows how defamation laws in Singapore needs to be tightened, to ensure that a possible future scenario where it is weaponised as a “shut-up tool”, occurs.

These are how I suggest it is to be done –

  1. The law has to make mandatory, that for a case to go into a full lawsuit, there has to be a 3-round exchange of talking points and two attempts at legal mediation.
  2. Summary judgment should be banned from defamation suits, unless if one party fails to adduce evidence or a defence.
  3. A statement is to be proven false, hence, defamatory, if there is strictly material along with circumstantial evidence showing that the statement is false. Apologies and related should not be used as main determinants, given how many of these statements are made in the heat of the moment, from the natural feelings of threat and intimidation from a defamation suit.
  4. A question should only be considered defamatory if it has been repeated, after material facts of evidence are produced showing, beyond reasonable doubt, that the message behind the question, is “not so”, and if there is a directly mentioned subject in the question. For example, if an Opposition MP, Mr A, was found to be poisoned with a banned substance, and I ask openly on how Mr A got access to that substance, given that its banned, I can’t be found to have “defamed the government” with the question as 1) the government was not mentioned directly and 2) if the government has not produced material evidence that they indeed had no role in the poisoning affair, if they were directly mentioned.
  5. Damages should be tiered, with these tiers coded into the Defamation Act – the highest quantum of damages (i.e. those of a six-figured nature) is only to be reserved if the subject of defamation lost any form of office, revenue or position, or directly quantifiable public standing, or was subjected to criminal action, because of the act of defamation. If none of such occur, the maximum amount of damages a plaintiff in a defamation can claim is a 4-figure amount capped at $2000. This will prevent rich and powerful figures from using defamation suits and 6-figure damages to intimidate their questioners and detractors.
  6. All defendants of defamation suit should be allowed full access to legal aid schemes.

Again, this piece does not suggest bad-faith malpractice by the courts in Singapore. Rather, it is to suggest how to tighten up defamation laws to avoid it being used as the silencing hatchet.

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Current Affairs

Man arrested for alleged housebreaking and theft of mobile phones in Yishun

A 23-year-old man was arrested for allegedly breaking into a Yishun Ring Road rental flat and stealing eight mobile phones worth S$3,400 from five tenants. The Singapore Police responded swiftly on 1 September, identifying and apprehending the suspect on the same day. The man has been charged with housebreaking, which carries a potential 10-year jail term.

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SINGAPORE: A 23-year-old man has been arrested for allegedly breaking into a rental flat along Yishun Ring Road and stealing eight mobile phones from five tenants.

The incident occurred in the early hours on Sunday (1 September), according to a statement from the Singapore Police Force.

The authorities reported that they received a call for assistance at around 5 a.m. on that day.

Officers from the Woodlands Police Division quickly responded and, through ground enquiries and police camera footage, were able to identify and apprehend the suspect on the same day.

The stolen mobile phones, with an estimated total value of approximately S$3,400, were recovered hidden under a nearby bin.

The suspect was charged in court on Monday with housebreaking with the intent to commit theft.

If convicted, he could face a jail term of up to 10 years and a fine.

In light of this incident, the police have advised property owners to take precautions to prevent similar crimes.

They recommend securing all doors, windows, and other openings with good quality grilles and padlocks when leaving premises unattended, even for short periods.

The installation of burglar alarms, motion sensor lights, and CCTV cameras to cover access points is also advised. Additionally, residents are urged to avoid keeping large sums of cash and valuables in their homes.

The investigation is ongoing.

Last month, police disclosed that a recent uptick in housebreaking incidents in private residential estates across Singapore has been traced to foreign syndicates, primarily involving Chinese nationals.

Preliminary investigations indicate that these syndicates operate in small groups, targeting homes by scaling perimeter walls or fences.

The suspects are believed to be transient travelers who enter Singapore on Social Visit Passes, typically just a day or two before committing the crimes.

Before this recent surge in break-ins, housebreaking cases were on the decline, with 59 reported in the first half of this year compared to 70 during the same period last year.

However, between 1 June and 4 August 2024, there were 10 reported housebreaking incidents, predominantly in private estates around the Rail Corridor and Bukit Timah Road.

The SPF has intensified efforts to engage residents near high-risk areas by distributing crime prevention advisories, erecting alert signs, and training them to patrol their neighborhoods, leading to an increase in reports of suspicious activity.

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