Current Affairs
Remembering Dr Toh Chin Chye
~by: Dr Wong Wee Nam~
I cannot forget his kind gesture. It was the morning after the 1997 General Election. I had come back at 2 am after the results had been announced that my team had lost. I went straight to bed. At 8 am, the phone rang and woke me up. At the other end was the familiar voice of Dr Toh Chin Chye.
For the next 45 minutes, he consoled me, gave a lot of encouraging words, and suggested some ideas for the way forward.
It was really thoughtful of him. After all, who was I that the founding chairman of the
When I was in primary school, I had already heard of Dr Toh Chin Chye. This was because he was representing Rochor, a constituency adjacent to the place I grew up. Furthermore, there was the epic battle between him and the chairman of Barisan Sosialis, Dr Lee Siew Choh, where he won by a mere 89 votes. This had generated a lot of discussions in coffeeshops.
However, it was not until I went to University and he became the Vice-Chancellor that we met. When he was first posted to the University, there was some disquiet amongst the university community. Why was a minister of the ruling party, especially a party that had introduced the suitability certificate, sent to be the head of the University?
His appointment prompted me to write an article to the student’s satirical newspaper, The Yakkity Yak. After the publication, I had expected a call from the university administration but none came. Dr Toh was not as intolerant as we thought he would be. The fact that he had even put up with the rebellious Professor Enright said a lot about him.
Once, a madcap student ran round the corridor below the Administration block and bumped into Dr Toh who was walking to his office. The diminutive Dr Toh was sent flying down with a crash. The student’s face turned green. However, Dr Toh just got up, picked up his briefcase, nodded to the student and carried on walking. He might have been stern but he accepted people.
In subsequent meetings with him, I found him to be a very open and forthright person. He would not evade difficult and embarrassing questions and would give straight and honest answers on politics, policies, his government’s authoritarianism and even his working relationship with his colleagues. Never did he try to impose his arguments on others by speaking down to them.
Thus he would not blindly defend any position but would want you to see the difficulty of a position. He would then go on to explore the problem patiently, sometimes taking more than half an hour to do so and explain the rationale behind his thinking. It was not tiresome to listen to him because his thoughts were clear and his reasoning logical.
In my experience with him, there was not the short fuse that he was reputed to have. Even when he had to put someone down, he did so with finesse. Once, a friend asked him what it would be like to meet Lee Kuan Yew. Dr Toh in his soft voice gently told him, “Lee Kuan Yew doesn’t suffer fools gladly.” In the course of the conversation, this friend had clearly irritated him by his inconsistencies and flip-flopping of opinions.
His reading of people was uncanny. There was one occasion I had lunch with him and two other friends to tap his expertise on contesting the 1997 General Election. Towards the end of the lunch, he turned to the most vocal celebrity and told him straight, “The other two have already teed off and you still have not put your ball down.”
People often commented that Dr Toh was a bitter man after he left the
Neither did he run down those political opponents of the
Thus when he went round meeting politicians of all shades and colours, his intention was not to overthrow or inflict vengeance on a party he had founded. Politics was in his blood and he just loved and enjoyed a good political discussion with anyone.
To Dr Toh, politics is about principles and should not be personal. For him, it was not that we were of different political persuasions but that we were speaking with different voices for Singapore. It is this that reminds us of the founding spirit of Singapore.
In my years of association with him, I found him a storehouse of political wisdom.
“To be a politician, you must think and feel like a businessman.”
“When you corner a person, give him a way out. Even a rat will turn and bite you if there is no way to run,” are some of the political gems.
I once paid him a visit and he printed a copy of an article from a Fish Farm Forum for me. The article had nothing to do with the fishing industry but was a critical analysis of the ministerial salary when it was first introduced. That is Dr Toh for you — keeping abreast and always willing to share.
He might be a national leader but he could be very comfortable on the ground. He once went to a friend’s office to taste his wine. My friend told him that he should not have gone there because the office was an abattoir and the stench was terrible. He told my friend it was alright and it was good to try and taste wine in any surroundings.
Dr Toh Chin Chye might have been a stern man but he was a nice person. This is a man who is known to be calm under critical conditions. We should be thankful to him for his great captaincy, especially during the turbulent times with Malaysia.
Dr Toh, may you rest in peace.
Current Affairs
Reforming Singapore’s defamation laws: Preventing legal weapons against free speech
Opinion: The tragic suicide of Geno Ong, linked to the financial stress from a defamation lawsuit, raises a critical issue: Singapore’s defamation laws need reform. These laws must not be weaponized to silence individuals.
by Alexandar Chia
This week, we hear the tragic story of the suicide of Geno Ong, with Ong citing the financial stress from the defamation lawsuit against her by Raymond Ng and Iris Koh.
Regardless of who’s right and who’s wrong, this Koh/Ng vs Ong affair raises a wider question at play – the issue of Singapore’s defamation laws and how it needs to be tightened.
Why is this needed? This is because defamation suits cannot be weaponised the way they have been in Singapore law. It cannot be used to threaten people into “shutting up”.
Article 14(2)(a) of the Constitution may permit laws to be passed to restrict free speech in the area of defamation, but it does not remove the fact that Article 14(1)(a) is still law, and it permits freedom of speech.
As such, although Article 14(2)(a) allows restrictions to be placed on freedom of speech with regard to the issue of defamation, it must not be to the extent where Article 14(1)(a)’s rights and liberties are not curtailed completely or heavily infringed on.
Sadly, that is the case with regard to precedence in defamation suits.
Let’s have a look at the defamation suit then-PM Goh Chok Tong filed against Dr Chee Soon Juan after GE 2001 for questions Dr Chee asked publicly about a $17 billion loan made to Suharto.
If we look at point 12 of the above link, in the “lawyer’s letter” sent to Dr Chee, Goh’s case of himself being defamed centred on lines Dr Chee used in his question, such as “you can run but you can’t hide”, and “did he not tell you about the $17 billion loan”?
In the West, such lines of questioning are easily understood at worse as hyperbolically figurative expressions with the gist of the meaning behind such questioning on why the loan to Suharto was made.
Unfortunately, Singapore’s defamation laws saw Dr Chee’s actions of imputing ill motives on Goh, when in the West, it is expected of incumbents to take the kind of questions Dr Chee asked, and such questions asked of incumbent office holders are not uncommon.
And the law permits pretty flimsy reasons such as “withdrawal of allegations” to be used as a deciding factor if a statement is defamatory or not – this is as per points 66-69 of the judgement.
This is not to imply or impute ill intent on Singapore courts. Rather, it shows how defamation laws in Singapore needs to be tightened, to ensure that a possible future scenario where it is weaponised as a “shut-up tool”, occurs.
These are how I suggest it is to be done –
- The law has to make mandatory, that for a case to go into a full lawsuit, there has to be a 3-round exchange of talking points and two attempts at legal mediation.
- Summary judgment should be banned from defamation suits, unless if one party fails to adduce evidence or a defence.
- A statement is to be proven false, hence, defamatory, if there is strictly material along with circumstantial evidence showing that the statement is false. Apologies and related should not be used as main determinants, given how many of these statements are made in the heat of the moment, from the natural feelings of threat and intimidation from a defamation suit.
- A question should only be considered defamatory if it has been repeated, after material facts of evidence are produced showing, beyond reasonable doubt, that the message behind the question, is “not so”, and if there is a directly mentioned subject in the question. For example, if an Opposition MP, Mr A, was found to be poisoned with a banned substance, and I ask openly on how Mr A got access to that substance, given that its banned, I can’t be found to have “defamed the government” with the question as 1) the government was not mentioned directly and 2) if the government has not produced material evidence that they indeed had no role in the poisoning affair, if they were directly mentioned.
- Damages should be tiered, with these tiers coded into the Defamation Act – the highest quantum of damages (i.e. those of a six-figured nature) is only to be reserved if the subject of defamation lost any form of office, revenue or position, or directly quantifiable public standing, or was subjected to criminal action, because of the act of defamation. If none of such occur, the maximum amount of damages a plaintiff in a defamation can claim is a 4-figure amount capped at $2000. This will prevent rich and powerful figures from using defamation suits and 6-figure damages to intimidate their questioners and detractors.
- All defendants of defamation suit should be allowed full access to legal aid schemes.
Again, this piece does not suggest bad-faith malpractice by the courts in Singapore. Rather, it is to suggest how to tighten up defamation laws to avoid it being used as the silencing hatchet.
Current Affairs
Man arrested for alleged housebreaking and theft of mobile phones in Yishun
A 23-year-old man was arrested for allegedly breaking into a Yishun Ring Road rental flat and stealing eight mobile phones worth S$3,400 from five tenants. The Singapore Police responded swiftly on 1 September, identifying and apprehending the suspect on the same day. The man has been charged with housebreaking, which carries a potential 10-year jail term.
SINGAPORE: A 23-year-old man has been arrested for allegedly breaking into a rental flat along Yishun Ring Road and stealing eight mobile phones from five tenants.
The incident occurred in the early hours on Sunday (1 September), according to a statement from the Singapore Police Force.
The authorities reported that they received a call for assistance at around 5 a.m. on that day.
Officers from the Woodlands Police Division quickly responded and, through ground enquiries and police camera footage, were able to identify and apprehend the suspect on the same day.
The stolen mobile phones, with an estimated total value of approximately S$3,400, were recovered hidden under a nearby bin.
The suspect was charged in court on Monday with housebreaking with the intent to commit theft.
If convicted, he could face a jail term of up to 10 years and a fine.
In light of this incident, the police have advised property owners to take precautions to prevent similar crimes.
They recommend securing all doors, windows, and other openings with good quality grilles and padlocks when leaving premises unattended, even for short periods.
The installation of burglar alarms, motion sensor lights, and CCTV cameras to cover access points is also advised. Additionally, residents are urged to avoid keeping large sums of cash and valuables in their homes.
The investigation is ongoing.
Last month, police disclosed that a recent uptick in housebreaking incidents in private residential estates across Singapore has been traced to foreign syndicates, primarily involving Chinese nationals.
Preliminary investigations indicate that these syndicates operate in small groups, targeting homes by scaling perimeter walls or fences.
The suspects are believed to be transient travelers who enter Singapore on Social Visit Passes, typically just a day or two before committing the crimes.
Before this recent surge in break-ins, housebreaking cases were on the decline, with 59 reported in the first half of this year compared to 70 during the same period last year.
However, between 1 June and 4 August 2024, there were 10 reported housebreaking incidents, predominantly in private estates around the Rail Corridor and Bukit Timah Road.
The SPF has intensified efforts to engage residents near high-risk areas by distributing crime prevention advisories, erecting alert signs, and training them to patrol their neighborhoods, leading to an increase in reports of suspicious activity.
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