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The barren political landscape

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~by: Dr Wong Wee Nam~

The ominous forecast is if we don’t continue to attract a stream of good people into political leadership, we are doomed to become a little black dot. This statement is essentially true except that salary, however high, would not be the right solution to alleviate this problem. There are historical reasons why we are starved of political leadership in Singapore. To solve this problem, the right thing to do is the remove the inherent obstacles.

Way back in the fifties and the sixties, when the population was less than 1 million, Singapore had no problem with educated people and professionals coming forward to serve in public office. At that time, pay was not a consideration. Passion was.

In fact in 1963, there were two big parties, the PAP and the Barisan Sosialis and both were ready to and capable of forming a government. The Barisan Sosialis had the intellectual muscle to match the PAP and their grassroot organizations definitely surpassed that of their opponents.

However, it was not going to be a fair contest. In 1963, the Operation Coldstore was launched and 117 opposition party and labor union leaders were detained. Some, like Dr Lim Hock Siew, ended up being incarcerated for up for nearly 20 years.

In 1966, Chia Thye Poh, the Barisan Sosialis Member of Parliament was arrested and subsequently detained without trial for 32 years under the ISA.

At the same time unions and civic organizations were periodically de-registered.

All these had a chilling effect on the political climate in Singapore. As a result, in the General Election of 1968, only seven seats were contested. In 1970, in a by-election of five seats, only 2 candidates offered themselves to challenge the PAP.

Subsequently, to make sure that any dissent is nipped in the bud, the Suitability Certificate was introduced. This certificate was a requirement for entry into to the universities. This was to deny any politically incorrect student a chance to go into an institution of higher learning and ferment political activism.

Then came the arrest of the “Euro-Communists” and later in 1987, in a security operation known as Operation Spectrum, 22 Roman Catholic church and social activists and professionals were detained under the ISA. They were branded as Marxist conspirators.

Over the years, the local media was controlled. Newspapers and periodicals that report negatively were either closed or gazetted. Defamation suits were brought against them and also against those politicians who had the carelessness to make a slip of their tongue.

All these added to the climate of fear and politics became something that is not to be discussed openly and sometimes only spoken in whispers. This fear and helplessness turn Singapore in a country of apathetic citizens. This is why, until the last General Election in 2011, all previous general elections saw massive walkovers.

In such a political climate, how many capable people would want to stick their necks out? On the contrary, many capable people decided to take care of themselves and their families and forget about highfalutin aspirations. Some also decided to migrate. We became a selfish society caring only about cars, condominiums, cash and whatever is associated with materialism.

In the end few people want to go into politics. It affects both the opposition parties and the PAP.  “It’s not worth it” is the maxim. This could mean “not worth the risk” or “not worth the money” depending on which side of the fence you are on.

For the people that the PAP wants, money is apparently a key factor judging by the arguments put forth in the recent Parliamentary debate. Paying ministers a high salary would help it to recruit people. By its own reckoning, without a salary that is pegged to the top 1000 wage earners in Singapore it would be difficult for the party to attract people from this elite group to come forward and serve as ministers.

Humongous ministerial salary is no advantage to the opposition parties as none of them are big enough to fight the PAP and form the government.

There is no doubt that the PAP has been having difficulty finding really good people to join them. The last GE showed that the stream is drying up. But this is no reason for Singaporeans to feel pessimistic. The crop of people, scholars, professionals etc. who came out to join the other parties to contest the election shows that there is indeed a silver lining in the horizon. And if the present salubrious political climate continues, Singaporeans should have reason to be optimistic.

Singapore does not lack political talents. We have seen that way back in 1950s and early 60s, we have enough people to form alternative governments. The Barisan Sosialis had a group of people who would be able to replace the PAP and possibly rule just as well.

If the ISA is not used to cripple political organisations and other laws are not used to deter legitimate activism and drive Singaporeans into political apathy again, we will not be starved of future political leadership. With a fertile soil, a hundred flowers will bloom.

Using high salary to attract people to the PAP is not the solution to Singapore’s long term leadership problem. It is also not good for the country. Such method only attracts the same kind of people with similar mindset. These are the elites whose socioeconomic values have been tempered by corporatist attitudes or gelled by years of administering PAP policies in the civil service.

People who believe in elitism will continue to promote pro-elitist policies as the best solutions to the country’s problem. They will continue to promote and defend policies that increase the income gap in the belief that economic prosperity for the top will eventually trickle down to the bottom. They will continue to believe welfare for the poor is bad because it will promote laziness and a crutch mentality. They will continue to believe that a good and just society should far more concerned with helping the winners to achieve more and thereby benefit society than to concern themselves succoring the losers.

Until each PAP administration stops cloning itself, it would be difficult to expect any major changes.

A healthy society must embrace people of talent. However talent should not be equated with wealth. A person who wants to go into public service must do so because he finds the job fulfilling. If he goes in, not because the job is fulfilling but because the pay is obscenely attractive, then he cannot be a good servant leader.

In forming his Cabinet Lord Atlee, the Labour Prime Minister of Great Britain from 1941 to 1951, said, “The qualities of an ideal Cabinet Minister are judgment, strength of character, experience of affairs, and an understanding of ordinary people.”

People who are parachuted into political positions must have the passion to serve the ground before they can possess every one of these qualities.

Lord Atlee said further, “However, you cannot choose people according to what makes an ideal Cabinet Minister. In the first place, you must choose people with regard to keeping balance within the party….. It would not do to have all trade unionists in a Labour Cabinet, or all constituency members or all middle-class intellectuals or all ornaments of the co-operative Party.”

In other words, we should not have birds with the same feather flocking together to decide what is good for a country that is made up of diverse groups and different classes of people.

The value of diversity was even recognised during the period of the Three Kingdom when the Prime Minister of the State of Shu, Zhu Geliang, wrote his instructions to his officials: “The Prime Minister’s office allows everyone to come and discuss affairs of the country. This is to gather the wisdom and opinions of the people. This is also to listen to beneficial suggestions from all quarters. From this we can derive much better solutions.”

三国·蜀·诸葛亮《教与军师长史参军掾属》:“夫参署者,集众思,广忠益也。”

In conclusion, if we want to increase the pool of capable people willing to come into politics and contend for public office, then we should make the job of politics more fulfilling and less terrifying than it is at the moment. That means more democracy and less fear.

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Current Affairs

Reforming Singapore’s defamation laws: Preventing legal weapons against free speech

Opinion: The tragic suicide of Geno Ong, linked to the financial stress from a defamation lawsuit, raises a critical issue: Singapore’s defamation laws need reform. These laws must not be weaponized to silence individuals.

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by Alexandar Chia

This week, we hear the tragic story of the suicide of Geno Ong, with Ong citing the financial stress from the defamation lawsuit against her by Raymond Ng and Iris Koh.

Regardless of who’s right and who’s wrong, this Koh/Ng vs Ong affair raises a wider question at play – the issue of Singapore’s defamation laws and how it needs to be tightened.

Why is this needed? This is because defamation suits cannot be weaponised the way they have been in Singapore law. It cannot be used to threaten people into “shutting up”.

Article 14(2)(a) of the Constitution may permit laws to be passed to restrict free speech in the area of defamation, but it does not remove the fact that Article 14(1)(a) is still law, and it permits freedom of speech.

As such, although Article 14(2)(a) allows restrictions to be placed on freedom of speech with regard to the issue of defamation, it must not be to the extent where Article 14(1)(a)’s rights and liberties are not curtailed completely or heavily infringed on.

Sadly, that is the case with regard to precedence in defamation suits.

Let’s have a look at the defamation suit then-PM Goh Chok Tong filed against Dr Chee Soon Juan after GE 2001 for questions Dr Chee asked publicly about a $17 billion loan made to Suharto.

If we look at point 12 of the above link, in the “lawyer’s letter” sent to Dr Chee, Goh’s case of himself being defamed centred on lines Dr Chee used in his question, such as “you can run but you can’t hide”, and “did he not tell you about the $17 billion loan”?

In the West, such lines of questioning are easily understood at worse as hyperbolically figurative expressions with the gist of the meaning behind such questioning on why the loan to Suharto was made.

Unfortunately, Singapore’s defamation laws saw Dr Chee’s actions of imputing ill motives on Goh, when in the West, it is expected of incumbents to take the kind of questions Dr Chee asked, and such questions asked of incumbent office holders are not uncommon.

And the law permits pretty flimsy reasons such as “withdrawal of allegations” to be used as a deciding factor if a statement is defamatory or not – this is as per points 66-69 of the judgement.

This is not to imply or impute ill intent on Singapore courts. Rather, it shows how defamation laws in Singapore needs to be tightened, to ensure that a possible future scenario where it is weaponised as a “shut-up tool”, occurs.

These are how I suggest it is to be done –

  1. The law has to make mandatory, that for a case to go into a full lawsuit, there has to be a 3-round exchange of talking points and two attempts at legal mediation.
  2. Summary judgment should be banned from defamation suits, unless if one party fails to adduce evidence or a defence.
  3. A statement is to be proven false, hence, defamatory, if there is strictly material along with circumstantial evidence showing that the statement is false. Apologies and related should not be used as main determinants, given how many of these statements are made in the heat of the moment, from the natural feelings of threat and intimidation from a defamation suit.
  4. A question should only be considered defamatory if it has been repeated, after material facts of evidence are produced showing, beyond reasonable doubt, that the message behind the question, is “not so”, and if there is a directly mentioned subject in the question. For example, if an Opposition MP, Mr A, was found to be poisoned with a banned substance, and I ask openly on how Mr A got access to that substance, given that its banned, I can’t be found to have “defamed the government” with the question as 1) the government was not mentioned directly and 2) if the government has not produced material evidence that they indeed had no role in the poisoning affair, if they were directly mentioned.
  5. Damages should be tiered, with these tiers coded into the Defamation Act – the highest quantum of damages (i.e. those of a six-figured nature) is only to be reserved if the subject of defamation lost any form of office, revenue or position, or directly quantifiable public standing, or was subjected to criminal action, because of the act of defamation. If none of such occur, the maximum amount of damages a plaintiff in a defamation can claim is a 4-figure amount capped at $2000. This will prevent rich and powerful figures from using defamation suits and 6-figure damages to intimidate their questioners and detractors.
  6. All defendants of defamation suit should be allowed full access to legal aid schemes.

Again, this piece does not suggest bad-faith malpractice by the courts in Singapore. Rather, it is to suggest how to tighten up defamation laws to avoid it being used as the silencing hatchet.

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Current Affairs

Man arrested for alleged housebreaking and theft of mobile phones in Yishun

A 23-year-old man was arrested for allegedly breaking into a Yishun Ring Road rental flat and stealing eight mobile phones worth S$3,400 from five tenants. The Singapore Police responded swiftly on 1 September, identifying and apprehending the suspect on the same day. The man has been charged with housebreaking, which carries a potential 10-year jail term.

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SINGAPORE: A 23-year-old man has been arrested for allegedly breaking into a rental flat along Yishun Ring Road and stealing eight mobile phones from five tenants.

The incident occurred in the early hours on Sunday (1 September), according to a statement from the Singapore Police Force.

The authorities reported that they received a call for assistance at around 5 a.m. on that day.

Officers from the Woodlands Police Division quickly responded and, through ground enquiries and police camera footage, were able to identify and apprehend the suspect on the same day.

The stolen mobile phones, with an estimated total value of approximately S$3,400, were recovered hidden under a nearby bin.

The suspect was charged in court on Monday with housebreaking with the intent to commit theft.

If convicted, he could face a jail term of up to 10 years and a fine.

In light of this incident, the police have advised property owners to take precautions to prevent similar crimes.

They recommend securing all doors, windows, and other openings with good quality grilles and padlocks when leaving premises unattended, even for short periods.

The installation of burglar alarms, motion sensor lights, and CCTV cameras to cover access points is also advised. Additionally, residents are urged to avoid keeping large sums of cash and valuables in their homes.

The investigation is ongoing.

Last month, police disclosed that a recent uptick in housebreaking incidents in private residential estates across Singapore has been traced to foreign syndicates, primarily involving Chinese nationals.

Preliminary investigations indicate that these syndicates operate in small groups, targeting homes by scaling perimeter walls or fences.

The suspects are believed to be transient travelers who enter Singapore on Social Visit Passes, typically just a day or two before committing the crimes.

Before this recent surge in break-ins, housebreaking cases were on the decline, with 59 reported in the first half of this year compared to 70 during the same period last year.

However, between 1 June and 4 August 2024, there were 10 reported housebreaking incidents, predominantly in private estates around the Rail Corridor and Bukit Timah Road.

The SPF has intensified efforts to engage residents near high-risk areas by distributing crime prevention advisories, erecting alert signs, and training them to patrol their neighborhoods, leading to an increase in reports of suspicious activity.

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