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HDB upgrading – holding voters to ransom

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Andrew Loh /

“Upgrading ‘an incentive to vote for the Govt’” – Straits Times headline, 13 April 2011.

The headline was referring to Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s answer to polytechnic student Matthew Zachary Liu’s question about fairness in HDB upgrading programmes during a forum on Channel NewsAsia.

“Mr Lee replied that the programmes were national ones that applied to everyone, including those in opposition wards,” the Straits Times reports.

“However, when a choice had to be made on who would go first, and two estates were of equal merit, then the one that supported the Government at the polls would be chosen,” it reports the PM as having said.

First, the glaring mistake here: Singaporeans do not support “the Government” at the polls. They support the People’s Action Party (PAP).

Second, upgrading programmes are not funded by funds from the PAP but from revenues collected by the Government from all Singaporeans, including those in opposition wards and those who have not voted for the PAP in other constituencies.

Granted that the PAP, after having won the elections, then becomes the ruling party, the Government. However, this only means that with this elevation from political party to Government, the PAP is tasked by the people to care for all of them – everyone of all persuasions, political or otherwise.

And therein, really, lies the crux of the matter.

Should a political party such as the PAP use public funds to further its own partisan and discriminatory political agenda through prejudicial policies and practices?

The obvious answer is no, and for several reasons:

  1. Not everyone who pay taxes, where Government funds come from, support the PAP. They do so because of Singapore, the nation and country, which the Government is tasked to look after as caretaker.
  2. It is morally reprehensible that Singaporeans are discriminated against because of their political beliefs by the very Government which is supposed to be caring for them and protecting their rights to support any political party they wish.
  3. The Government should respect the people’s choice in voting for the opposition and allocate public funds fairly.

To accept and allow the Government to continue to perpetuate its selfish practices is to give it a stamp of approval on discrimination. Further, the Government could, by its same flawed reasons, extend this discriminatory practice to other areas. Perhaps it would next refuse to build car parks in opposition wards, or not to build kindergartens in non-PAP constituencies (which incidentally it had threatened to do in the past in Hougang).

Yet, in the midst of all this debate, one very important point is lost – in HDB upgrading programmes, there has to be a 75 per cent support from residents in a precint before the programme is undertaken by the HDB. A poll is conducted among residents in the area to determine the level of support. If it is less than 75 per cent, the programme will not be implemented.

If during a general election, the voters in a particular constituency vote overwhelmingly for the PAP which dangles the HDB upgrading carrot before them, residents in precints within that constituency will still need to vote in a separate poll for the upgrading. Only when 75 per cent of residents support the programme will it be implemented.

So, the question is this:

Does this mean that despite giving their votes to the PAP during a general election, voters in PAP-held areas may still not receive the promised upgrading?

Indeed, this happened in 2003 when a precint in Marine Parade voted against the main upgrading programme in the constituency in a poll after the general elections in 2001 where the PAP had a walkover win in the constituency. (See here.)

It would thus seem that the PAP’s enticement to get voters to vote for it because of the upgrading programmes during a general election is a smokescreen – it is not a guarantee that such programmes will be implemented even if voters had voted for the PAP.

And one final question which is best asked of the HDB itself:

As a Statutory Board, shouldn’t the HDB be serving all Singaporeans fairly, or should it allow itself to be used as a tool by a political party for its own political agenda?

Perhaps the HDB should clarify its role in this matter.

At the end of the day, PM Lee’s explanation leaves much to be desired, and it is hoped that Singaporeans can see through the smokescreen and more importantly, the danger of allowing one political party to hold voters to ransom.

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Reforming Singapore’s defamation laws: Preventing legal weapons against free speech

Opinion: The tragic suicide of Geno Ong, linked to the financial stress from a defamation lawsuit, raises a critical issue: Singapore’s defamation laws need reform. These laws must not be weaponized to silence individuals.

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by Alexandar Chia

This week, we hear the tragic story of the suicide of Geno Ong, with Ong citing the financial stress from the defamation lawsuit against her by Raymond Ng and Iris Koh.

Regardless of who’s right and who’s wrong, this Koh/Ng vs Ong affair raises a wider question at play – the issue of Singapore’s defamation laws and how it needs to be tightened.

Why is this needed? This is because defamation suits cannot be weaponised the way they have been in Singapore law. It cannot be used to threaten people into “shutting up”.

Article 14(2)(a) of the Constitution may permit laws to be passed to restrict free speech in the area of defamation, but it does not remove the fact that Article 14(1)(a) is still law, and it permits freedom of speech.

As such, although Article 14(2)(a) allows restrictions to be placed on freedom of speech with regard to the issue of defamation, it must not be to the extent where Article 14(1)(a)’s rights and liberties are not curtailed completely or heavily infringed on.

Sadly, that is the case with regard to precedence in defamation suits.

Let’s have a look at the defamation suit then-PM Goh Chok Tong filed against Dr Chee Soon Juan after GE 2001 for questions Dr Chee asked publicly about a $17 billion loan made to Suharto.

If we look at point 12 of the above link, in the “lawyer’s letter” sent to Dr Chee, Goh’s case of himself being defamed centred on lines Dr Chee used in his question, such as “you can run but you can’t hide”, and “did he not tell you about the $17 billion loan”?

In the West, such lines of questioning are easily understood at worse as hyperbolically figurative expressions with the gist of the meaning behind such questioning on why the loan to Suharto was made.

Unfortunately, Singapore’s defamation laws saw Dr Chee’s actions of imputing ill motives on Goh, when in the West, it is expected of incumbents to take the kind of questions Dr Chee asked, and such questions asked of incumbent office holders are not uncommon.

And the law permits pretty flimsy reasons such as “withdrawal of allegations” to be used as a deciding factor if a statement is defamatory or not – this is as per points 66-69 of the judgement.

This is not to imply or impute ill intent on Singapore courts. Rather, it shows how defamation laws in Singapore needs to be tightened, to ensure that a possible future scenario where it is weaponised as a “shut-up tool”, occurs.

These are how I suggest it is to be done –

  1. The law has to make mandatory, that for a case to go into a full lawsuit, there has to be a 3-round exchange of talking points and two attempts at legal mediation.
  2. Summary judgment should be banned from defamation suits, unless if one party fails to adduce evidence or a defence.
  3. A statement is to be proven false, hence, defamatory, if there is strictly material along with circumstantial evidence showing that the statement is false. Apologies and related should not be used as main determinants, given how many of these statements are made in the heat of the moment, from the natural feelings of threat and intimidation from a defamation suit.
  4. A question should only be considered defamatory if it has been repeated, after material facts of evidence are produced showing, beyond reasonable doubt, that the message behind the question, is “not so”, and if there is a directly mentioned subject in the question. For example, if an Opposition MP, Mr A, was found to be poisoned with a banned substance, and I ask openly on how Mr A got access to that substance, given that its banned, I can’t be found to have “defamed the government” with the question as 1) the government was not mentioned directly and 2) if the government has not produced material evidence that they indeed had no role in the poisoning affair, if they were directly mentioned.
  5. Damages should be tiered, with these tiers coded into the Defamation Act – the highest quantum of damages (i.e. those of a six-figured nature) is only to be reserved if the subject of defamation lost any form of office, revenue or position, or directly quantifiable public standing, or was subjected to criminal action, because of the act of defamation. If none of such occur, the maximum amount of damages a plaintiff in a defamation can claim is a 4-figure amount capped at $2000. This will prevent rich and powerful figures from using defamation suits and 6-figure damages to intimidate their questioners and detractors.
  6. All defendants of defamation suit should be allowed full access to legal aid schemes.

Again, this piece does not suggest bad-faith malpractice by the courts in Singapore. Rather, it is to suggest how to tighten up defamation laws to avoid it being used as the silencing hatchet.

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Man arrested for alleged housebreaking and theft of mobile phones in Yishun

A 23-year-old man was arrested for allegedly breaking into a Yishun Ring Road rental flat and stealing eight mobile phones worth S$3,400 from five tenants. The Singapore Police responded swiftly on 1 September, identifying and apprehending the suspect on the same day. The man has been charged with housebreaking, which carries a potential 10-year jail term.

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SINGAPORE: A 23-year-old man has been arrested for allegedly breaking into a rental flat along Yishun Ring Road and stealing eight mobile phones from five tenants.

The incident occurred in the early hours on Sunday (1 September), according to a statement from the Singapore Police Force.

The authorities reported that they received a call for assistance at around 5 a.m. on that day.

Officers from the Woodlands Police Division quickly responded and, through ground enquiries and police camera footage, were able to identify and apprehend the suspect on the same day.

The stolen mobile phones, with an estimated total value of approximately S$3,400, were recovered hidden under a nearby bin.

The suspect was charged in court on Monday with housebreaking with the intent to commit theft.

If convicted, he could face a jail term of up to 10 years and a fine.

In light of this incident, the police have advised property owners to take precautions to prevent similar crimes.

They recommend securing all doors, windows, and other openings with good quality grilles and padlocks when leaving premises unattended, even for short periods.

The installation of burglar alarms, motion sensor lights, and CCTV cameras to cover access points is also advised. Additionally, residents are urged to avoid keeping large sums of cash and valuables in their homes.

The investigation is ongoing.

Last month, police disclosed that a recent uptick in housebreaking incidents in private residential estates across Singapore has been traced to foreign syndicates, primarily involving Chinese nationals.

Preliminary investigations indicate that these syndicates operate in small groups, targeting homes by scaling perimeter walls or fences.

The suspects are believed to be transient travelers who enter Singapore on Social Visit Passes, typically just a day or two before committing the crimes.

Before this recent surge in break-ins, housebreaking cases were on the decline, with 59 reported in the first half of this year compared to 70 during the same period last year.

However, between 1 June and 4 August 2024, there were 10 reported housebreaking incidents, predominantly in private estates around the Rail Corridor and Bukit Timah Road.

The SPF has intensified efforts to engage residents near high-risk areas by distributing crime prevention advisories, erecting alert signs, and training them to patrol their neighborhoods, leading to an increase in reports of suspicious activity.

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