Current Affairs
Tripartite panel contradicts Government on employment practices?
I refer to the article, “Bosses hiring foreigners over S’poreans? Not true”. (Straits Times, 8 April).
It states that: “More Singaporeans are complaining that employers prefer to hire foreigners over them. But investigations by a tripartite panel that looks at work discrimination issues found that the accusations were invariably unfounded.
The alliance does not keep track of the number of complaints, but “we do see more of them”, she (Madam Halimah Yacob, a labour MP who is co-chairman of the Tripartite Alliance for Fair Employment Practices (Tafep) told reporters at the sidelines of a conference on fair employment practices”.
The fact that “the alliance does not keep track of the number of complaints” makes one wonder about the veracity of Tafep’s conclusion that employers are not hiring foreigners over Singaporeans.
Is it so difficult to just count the number of complaints?
Where and to whom do you complain to, if you feel that you have been say displaced by a foreign worker? I certainly don’t know, and I don’t think most Singaporeans even know that they can file such complaints.
So, without a widely known complaint mechanism, how on earth did the Tafep come to such a conclusion?
Tafep should start an awareness campaign to encourage Singaporeans to file instances of being disfavoured over foreigners. What process and mechanism did the Tafep use in investigating the complaints which they had?
Who did what, and how were the investigations done?
Can the reports and findings be made public?
It is perhaps quite telling that Madam Halimah Yacob said, “In the cases we have intercepted, employers say this is based on the qualifications of the person and not nationalities.”
Isn’t it obvious that when you ask the employer, they would say this?
Surely, one needs to investigate how the preference over the local workers was determined and derived, considering that foreigners have the advantage of no CPF contribution savings for the employer, no maternity leave, no national service reservist leave, and no turnover problems as foreigners on work permits and S-Pass cannot change employers for two years.
For the Tafep to ignore the above realities on the ground, and make its conclusion, leaves me speechless!
Anecdotally, you just have to go around Singapore and see how many more foreigners are pre-dominantly doing jobs that Singaporeans can do, like engineers, administrative staff, receptionists, sales, I.T., etc.
Statistically, the fact that the growth rate of foreigners has been many times that of citizens in recent years, such that there are about one million foreigners and 550,000 permanent residents (PRs), may indicate that surely some jobs may be taken away by foreigners.
Over the last two years, there were about 140,000 new PRs and 40,000 new citizens.
If Tafep’s conclusion is indeed “true”, why do we consistently refuse to break down the labour statistics into Singaporeans and PRs?
If we are in a debate, perhaps the best and final argument is the self-evident and contradictory rhetoric in recent months about reducing foreign workers, increasing foreign worker levies so that more Singaporeans will be hired instead, etc.
For, if the Tafep’s conclusion is indeed “true”, then does it mean that all the recent rhetoric were based on an erroneous premise?
In another Straits Times report on the same day, “Workplace diversity ‘a big plus’” (ST, Apr 8), it said “To ensure meritocracy continues to flourish, there is no place for discrimination in any form in the workplace. The people expect and demand it as part of the founding social compact.
With employers upholding the principle of selecting the best for the job, DPM Teo believes there is no need for affirmative action programmes to force employers to hire certain groups of people.
“Employees must not conveniently use the excuse of perceived discriminatory work practices to cover up for their own work inadequacies.”
So, the $64,000 question may be what is the extent of age discrimination in the labour force?
The answer may lie in the fact that employers are at liberty to offer reduced salary and other terms of employment when workers turn 55 or 62, as the case may be.
Anecdotally, it was reported in the media, that even one of the local universities was offering a 50 per cent pay cut for some academic staff when they reach 55 years old.
Another indicator may be that the highest long term unemployment rate was that of PMETs who are over-40 years old.
So, is it any wonder why the NTUC said recently that it is puzzled over the mystery of older men in their 50s quitting the workforce?
What we need is an independent comprehensive study on age and nationalities discrimination in the labour force, instead of just opinionated statements like, “Employees must not conveniently use the excuse … “
What we direly need is an Equal Opportunities Commission (EOC) like that in Hong Kong, which handles 20,852 enquiries and 1,230 complaints in 2009.
There will always be discrimination, perhaps the difference may be whether we care enough to take concrete action to address it.
Leong Sze Hian
Current Affairs
Reforming Singapore’s defamation laws: Preventing legal weapons against free speech
Opinion: The tragic suicide of Geno Ong, linked to the financial stress from a defamation lawsuit, raises a critical issue: Singapore’s defamation laws need reform. These laws must not be weaponized to silence individuals.
by Alexandar Chia
This week, we hear the tragic story of the suicide of Geno Ong, with Ong citing the financial stress from the defamation lawsuit against her by Raymond Ng and Iris Koh.
Regardless of who’s right and who’s wrong, this Koh/Ng vs Ong affair raises a wider question at play – the issue of Singapore’s defamation laws and how it needs to be tightened.
Why is this needed? This is because defamation suits cannot be weaponised the way they have been in Singapore law. It cannot be used to threaten people into “shutting up”.
Article 14(2)(a) of the Constitution may permit laws to be passed to restrict free speech in the area of defamation, but it does not remove the fact that Article 14(1)(a) is still law, and it permits freedom of speech.
As such, although Article 14(2)(a) allows restrictions to be placed on freedom of speech with regard to the issue of defamation, it must not be to the extent where Article 14(1)(a)’s rights and liberties are not curtailed completely or heavily infringed on.
Sadly, that is the case with regard to precedence in defamation suits.
Let’s have a look at the defamation suit then-PM Goh Chok Tong filed against Dr Chee Soon Juan after GE 2001 for questions Dr Chee asked publicly about a $17 billion loan made to Suharto.
If we look at point 12 of the above link, in the “lawyer’s letter” sent to Dr Chee, Goh’s case of himself being defamed centred on lines Dr Chee used in his question, such as “you can run but you can’t hide”, and “did he not tell you about the $17 billion loan”?
In the West, such lines of questioning are easily understood at worse as hyperbolically figurative expressions with the gist of the meaning behind such questioning on why the loan to Suharto was made.
Unfortunately, Singapore’s defamation laws saw Dr Chee’s actions of imputing ill motives on Goh, when in the West, it is expected of incumbents to take the kind of questions Dr Chee asked, and such questions asked of incumbent office holders are not uncommon.
And the law permits pretty flimsy reasons such as “withdrawal of allegations” to be used as a deciding factor if a statement is defamatory or not – this is as per points 66-69 of the judgement.
This is not to imply or impute ill intent on Singapore courts. Rather, it shows how defamation laws in Singapore needs to be tightened, to ensure that a possible future scenario where it is weaponised as a “shut-up tool”, occurs.
These are how I suggest it is to be done –
- The law has to make mandatory, that for a case to go into a full lawsuit, there has to be a 3-round exchange of talking points and two attempts at legal mediation.
- Summary judgment should be banned from defamation suits, unless if one party fails to adduce evidence or a defence.
- A statement is to be proven false, hence, defamatory, if there is strictly material along with circumstantial evidence showing that the statement is false. Apologies and related should not be used as main determinants, given how many of these statements are made in the heat of the moment, from the natural feelings of threat and intimidation from a defamation suit.
- A question should only be considered defamatory if it has been repeated, after material facts of evidence are produced showing, beyond reasonable doubt, that the message behind the question, is “not so”, and if there is a directly mentioned subject in the question. For example, if an Opposition MP, Mr A, was found to be poisoned with a banned substance, and I ask openly on how Mr A got access to that substance, given that its banned, I can’t be found to have “defamed the government” with the question as 1) the government was not mentioned directly and 2) if the government has not produced material evidence that they indeed had no role in the poisoning affair, if they were directly mentioned.
- Damages should be tiered, with these tiers coded into the Defamation Act – the highest quantum of damages (i.e. those of a six-figured nature) is only to be reserved if the subject of defamation lost any form of office, revenue or position, or directly quantifiable public standing, or was subjected to criminal action, because of the act of defamation. If none of such occur, the maximum amount of damages a plaintiff in a defamation can claim is a 4-figure amount capped at $2000. This will prevent rich and powerful figures from using defamation suits and 6-figure damages to intimidate their questioners and detractors.
- All defendants of defamation suit should be allowed full access to legal aid schemes.
Again, this piece does not suggest bad-faith malpractice by the courts in Singapore. Rather, it is to suggest how to tighten up defamation laws to avoid it being used as the silencing hatchet.
Current Affairs
Man arrested for alleged housebreaking and theft of mobile phones in Yishun
A 23-year-old man was arrested for allegedly breaking into a Yishun Ring Road rental flat and stealing eight mobile phones worth S$3,400 from five tenants. The Singapore Police responded swiftly on 1 September, identifying and apprehending the suspect on the same day. The man has been charged with housebreaking, which carries a potential 10-year jail term.
SINGAPORE: A 23-year-old man has been arrested for allegedly breaking into a rental flat along Yishun Ring Road and stealing eight mobile phones from five tenants.
The incident occurred in the early hours on Sunday (1 September), according to a statement from the Singapore Police Force.
The authorities reported that they received a call for assistance at around 5 a.m. on that day.
Officers from the Woodlands Police Division quickly responded and, through ground enquiries and police camera footage, were able to identify and apprehend the suspect on the same day.
The stolen mobile phones, with an estimated total value of approximately S$3,400, were recovered hidden under a nearby bin.
The suspect was charged in court on Monday with housebreaking with the intent to commit theft.
If convicted, he could face a jail term of up to 10 years and a fine.
In light of this incident, the police have advised property owners to take precautions to prevent similar crimes.
They recommend securing all doors, windows, and other openings with good quality grilles and padlocks when leaving premises unattended, even for short periods.
The installation of burglar alarms, motion sensor lights, and CCTV cameras to cover access points is also advised. Additionally, residents are urged to avoid keeping large sums of cash and valuables in their homes.
The investigation is ongoing.
Last month, police disclosed that a recent uptick in housebreaking incidents in private residential estates across Singapore has been traced to foreign syndicates, primarily involving Chinese nationals.
Preliminary investigations indicate that these syndicates operate in small groups, targeting homes by scaling perimeter walls or fences.
The suspects are believed to be transient travelers who enter Singapore on Social Visit Passes, typically just a day or two before committing the crimes.
Before this recent surge in break-ins, housebreaking cases were on the decline, with 59 reported in the first half of this year compared to 70 during the same period last year.
However, between 1 June and 4 August 2024, there were 10 reported housebreaking incidents, predominantly in private estates around the Rail Corridor and Bukit Timah Road.
The SPF has intensified efforts to engage residents near high-risk areas by distributing crime prevention advisories, erecting alert signs, and training them to patrol their neighborhoods, leading to an increase in reports of suspicious activity.
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